Who killed Martin Luther King?

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Every January, we start hearing Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr’s infamous, “I Have A Dream” speech, but if you research this still very classified and mysterious murder—and even deeper, the dayz that led up to his assassination—you’ll find this dream is in fact (and continues to be) a nightmare!

This night terror became even more deceitful when white media labeled James Earl Ray the lone assassin. While most accepted, there are those that knew there was another side of the story that was being purposely suppressed.

After witnessing Master Historian, Steve Cokely’s research, we at DGT believe he was able to prove this collusion involved more than Ray. In fact, Cokely points to Jesse Jackson as a pawn used to both murder and replace MLK!

In this conspiratorial gumbo stew, we also find along with the U.S. Government, ‘Gay’ Edgar Hoover, the CIA and COINTELPRO, and countless so-called “Jewish” agents, the Boule’ (aka Sigma Pi Phi Fraternity, Inc) also had a hand in it! In particular, we find Boule’ member Jesse having something to do with the changing of King’s room (to #306) as well as putting King’s blood on his shirt once he was dead only to show up later claiming he was the anointed one to lead announcing himself as the heir apparent.

The question that’s been asked but from the wrong context is “why was King assassinated?” See, the MLK whitefolk want people to know about is that he was nonviolent and simply died at the handz of some redneck peckerwood whiteman. What they don’t want you to know is that Martin was changing.

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Having traveled the non-violent route, he realized whitefolk would still continue to be violent. And after Malcolm X was killed, I find King realized the inevitability of his fate; the mortality of his life, yet also understood the important of his last transitioning message; the immortality of self-reliance. This “new” mindset accelerated his death.

In Dr. Kings’ 1967 book, ‘Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community,’ he wrote:

“Black Power, in its broad and positive meaning, is a call to Black people to amass the political and economic strength to achieve their legitimate goals. No one can deny that the Negro is in dire need of this kind of legitimate power.”

King also went on to write:

“Black Power is also a call for the pooling of Black financial resources to achieve economic security. Through the pooling of such resources and the development of habits of thrift and techniques of wise investments, the Negro will be doing his share to grapple with his problem of economic deprivation. If Black Power means the development of this kind of strength within the Negro community, then it is a quest for basic, necessary, legitimate power.”

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The ideas King had on Black politics and economics were the same as Malcolm X. This only heightened the FBIs desire to eliminate King if he were to use Black Nationalist tactics that would be enforced by their Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO), a program designed to neutralize, disrupt and dismantle Black organizationz.

March 4, 1968, the FBI released a classified document that included the need to:

“Prevent the RISE OF A ‘MESSIAH’ who could unify, and electrify, the militant Black Nationalist movement. Malcolm X might have been such a ‘messiah;’ he is the martyr of the movement today. Martin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael, and [Nation of Islam leader] Elijah Muhammad all aspire to this position. Elijah Muhammad is less of a threat because of his age. King could be a real contender for this position should he abandon his supposed ‘obedience’ to ‘white, liberal doctrines’ (nonviolence) and embrace Black Nationalism.”

April 3, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee, Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. gave the speech that is now known as “I’ve Been to the Mountain Top.” In his speech he stated:

“And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from [big corporations]. And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy, what is the other bread? Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart’s bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven’t been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right. But not only that, we’ve got to strengthen Black institutions.”

Of the blatant pro-Afrikan jeweled instruction/solutionz he courageously mentioned, these were tangible thingz that could be done non-violently. Such as:

“I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a ‘bank-in’ movement in Memphis. So go by the savings and loan association. I’m not asking you something we don’t do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We’re just telling you to follow what we’re doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven Black insurance companies in Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an ‘insurance-in.’ Now  these are some practical things we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.”

This speech would become King’s last public wordz. April 4, 1968, precisely one month to the day after the COINTELPRO memo was released, Dr. King became a victim of American terrorizm.

But as stated, this was orchestrated by more than just James Earl Ray, and even COINTELPRO. See, we don’t look at the direction the next so-called “leader” took.

Historian, Anthony Browder had this to say in his book, From the Browder Files:

“…[T]he memory of King’s life and struggle is slowly being diminished.

Several years ago, on Dr. King’s birthday, I was invited to discuss his life on a radio program. I arrived early and sat in the waiting room and listen as the host played a recording of Dr. King’s “I See The Promise Land” speech. This was King’s last public speech and it was recorded the evening before his assassination.

I had brought a book of King’s speeches for the interview and read along with the recording. I was shocked to discover that the most significant portion of King’s speech (over one page of text) was edited out of the recording. I noted that this speech was recorded on Motown records, with liner notes written by Mrs. King. The text omitted from the recording was of a different image of the King that we now know. This King discussed the power of the black dollar and urged the citizens of Memphis to take their money out of the white owned banks and insurance companies and put it in black owned institutions. This King called for an immediate boycott of Coca Cola, Sealtest Milk and Wonder Bread. This King never got an opportunity to implement his new strategies because he was killed the following day.

Recently I’ve learned that King and Malcolm had talked of developing joint strategies for combating racism in the north and south. But Malcolm was assassinated before they had formulated a plan of action. King later became a marked man when he spoke out against the Viet Nam war in 1967, and advanced the call for human rights just as Malcolm had done.

Since Dr. Kings assassination and the establishment of his holiday, his legacy been reduced to one speech and four simple words…”I have a dream.” Now Malcolm’s image is being watered down so that it is more palatable to America’s tastes.

If we want to know the real Malcolm or Martin, or any other African or African American hero or shero, we must be willing to dig deep into their past. We must read their writings, listen to their speeches, and not be mislead by Hollywood productions and made for TV movies of their lives. We must study the treasured lives of those near and dear to us and we should not expect their stories to be handed to us on a silver platter.”

[Excerpt from ‘Fakin’ Jack(son)‘:

August 19, 2003, The Final Call printed a piece entitled, “SCLC Returns to Memphis”. Many are not aware there are those who believe Jesse was involved in Martin Luther King’s death and that there was an investigation—even the late Corretta Scott King (later retracted by the Final Call the following week. Why really? Don’t know)!

Remember back in 1998, right before the alleged assassin, James Earl Ray, met with the King family? Many don’t know that the following year there was a conspiracy trial (King vs. Lloyd Jowers and other unknown conspiratorz) for King’s death in 1999, where a jury consisting of six Afrikanz and six whites concluded King’s death was in fact, a result of a multi-tiered government conspiracy.

At the end of the trial, good ol’ Jesse wrote an editorial that appeared in the Los Angeles Times, where he stated, “For those of us who were with Dr. King in Memphis, the ‘lone assassin’ theory always seemed suspect. James Earl Ray had neither the means nor the method nor the motive to stalk Dr. King, shoot him and arrange his own getaway. Despite these misgivings, the lone assassin theory became the near universal explanation. Deviation from it was too forbidding, for any conspiracy would point directly to government involvement, or at least acquiescence, in King’s murder.”

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A panel consisting of Cokely, Dick Gregory, Martin King III, Rev. Bernice King, attorneyz William Peper and Lewis Garrison and otherz—was put together by the SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) entitled, “Fact or Fiction: The Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.”, where they talked about the setup that had MLK on the second floor balcony of the Lorraine Motel (in Memphis, Tennessee) at 6pm as a sitting duck for a bullet.

It is alleged 15 minutes before King was shot, Jesse removed a community group from the hotel that was there to protect King. Why? And why hasn’t anyone questioned him about this? In addition, the evening before that fateful day (April 3rd), the night he performed his last speech, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop”, it’s believed a ‘practice run’ was conducted where King, Jesse and party was pictured outside the motel on the second floor at 6pm on their way to dinner.

It is also believed by some that MLKs room was mysteriously changed from the ground floor to second floor that same evening. 6:01pm the following day, a .30-06 caliber rifle bullet rang out entering King’s right jaw, traveling through his neck, severing his spinal cord, stopped in his shoulder blade, and shortly thereafter, ended his life.

If you look at the pictures from the day King was killed, none have surfaced (to my knowledge) that show Jesse on the balcony with King’s right-hand man, Ralph Abernathy and Boule’ member, Andrew Young. But somehow, the picture from the day before became the ‘official’ candid moments before King died. As well, amongst the chaos, Jesse’s career just so happened to take off…

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After the ambulance took away his body, all that was left was a massive amount of King’s blood. Abernathy, in a state of shock grabbed a jar and started scraping up the blood, crying how it was King’s blood and precious, “This blood was shed for us,” he allegedly stated.

Nearly a whole half-hour after King was shot, Jesse comes on the scene, makin’ his way to the balcony—many thought he was hiding down by the pool. Young rememberz seeing Jackson dip his handz in the huge pool of blood and after raising them to the sky, wiped the blood on his shirt. Young stated, “people freaked out and did strange things… it was… it was… I mean, what do you do in a moment like that?” If you’re Jesse, you take advantage!

The majority of hedz from the SCLC quickly followed King to the hospital leaving Jesse Jackson behind. This is where Jesse seized the opportunity! He told otherz not to say anything to the Media. Once the Media arrived at the hotel, they quickly focused on Jesse, now with King’s blood all over his shirt. With the rest of the SCLC at the hospitial, Jesse pretty much anointed himself—with the sacrificial blood of King—as the media spokesman stating to the press, “The black people’s leader, our Moses, the once in a 400 or 500-year leader has been taken from us by hatred and bitterness. Even as I stand at this hour, I cannot even allow hate to enter my heart at this time, for it was sickness, not meanness, that killed him. People were, some were in pandemonium, some were in shock, some were crying, hollering, “Oh, God!” And I immediately started running upstairs to where he was and I caught his head and I tried to feel his head and I asked him, I said, “Dr. King, do you hear me? Dr. King, do you hear me?” And he didn’t say anything and I tried to hold his head.” So noble of him to come on the scene after everything went down!

(Exceprt from, ‘And the Walls Came Tumbling Down‘ by Ralph David Abernathy, “It seems that shortly after the ambulance had left, the press had converged on the place, camera crews and reporters, local staff and network, all eager to put someone on camera to tell the story. Jesse and Hosea had both agreed that until they knew what had happened, they would avoid the press and stay out of sight. At least that’s what Hosea had thought was the understanding.

So he was more than a little surprised to look out the window and see Jesse, standing in front of several cameras, speaking into a microphone that a reporter was holding in his face. Curious, Hosea slipped outside and eased up behind Jesse, though on the other side of a chain-link fence.

“Yes,” Jesse was saying, “I was the last person he spoke to as I was cradling him in my arms.”same story, or very nearly the same, that morning on The Today Show.” (end Excerpt)

While the rest of SCLC was back at the motel trying to figure out their next steps, like Bobby Brown leavin’ New Edition, after meeting with reporterz outside the motel, Jesse quickly left Memphis, makin’ his way back to Chicago where in 14, I repeat, just 14 hourz after King’s death, he appeared on the Today show with his bloody shirt while a newly hired booking agent got him spots on other TV showz. You mean to tell me in the midst of all this chaos, this cat found the time to hire a bookin’ agent?! King just died, yo!!

And the show didn’t stop there! Later that afternoon Jesse appeared before the Chicago City Council wearing a blood-stained shirt and saying that it was the same shirt he had been wearing the previous evening when he had held Martin.

Now ask yourselves, why else would he wear a shirt with blood on it from the previous day? He surely didn’t wear this shirt as he travelled back to Chicago from Tennessee! In addition, why would he tell bold-faced lies of him bein’ the last person he spoke to when he showed up 30 minutes after he was shot? As many believe (and some can prove), this wasn’t Jesse seizin’ an opportunity that just so happen to fall in his lap, this was planned! Overnight Jesse Jackson became a nationally known figure, self-appointing him as the next leader of the Civil Rights Movement!

Oh, Jesse wasn’t alone! Many hedz know he was a gangster (had affiliation, along with half-brother, Noah Robinson, with the notorious street gang the Blackstone Rangers and leader, Jeff Fort, who was later convicted of killin’ more than 200 people). So we can assume Abernathy, Young and company feared Jesse’s constituents with some not make waves; to go along to get along.

Several hedz, along with Young created the historical photo-still that fooled the whole world, they pointed in what’s believed by several hedz, in the wrong direction of where the shot came from. One other jewel is the allegationz of King tellin’ his close friend, Ralph Abernathy, not to trust Jesse, suspecting him to be an agent.

What fellow Boule’ member Andrew Young said and what we know of Jackson’s steps hourz after King was dead, it’s quite obvious a blind-eye was turned enabling the collaboratorz and possible true gunmen were able to get away. The following actionz of Jackson are what standz as a reason questionz remain:

  • Jesse had MLKs room changed from the first level to the second level floor at the Lorraine hotel, room 306.
  • Orchestrated or partook in pointing in the wrong direction the alleged shots came from.
  • Didn’t wear a tie coding him as a “friendly” as assassinatorz were told not to wear a tie (see in Cokely’s video, pt.2)
  • Rubbed his handz on King’s bloodied chest, saturates them then rubz his handz on his shirt later to show up alleging him the next anointed one.

From what we know tracking Jackson I pose this question: why didn’t this self-anointed protege of MLK carry on the new agenda King spoke of in his last dayz? We know both were in Boule’, but with MLKs certain transformation and knowing what we know of the Boule’ and how their known and written allegiance to GWS (Global White Supremacy), it’s easy to suspect why Jesse did what he did pre- (spying, not having MLKs trust), during- (pointing in wrong direction of shooter), and post- MLKs death. I can only imaging had he lived at least one more year what we would’ve learned about the U.S. government, Jesse, and the Boule’.

Despite his rep of short-lived boycotts; despite being part of the 381-day Montgomery Bus Boycott, he has yet to implement any of the clear win strategies MLK laid out in his last speech and book.

With the official record files on King and his case to be “fully” released to the public around the year 2028, I ask this last question, what kind of justice system waits 60 yearz to release publicly when at this point, the culprits and co-conspiratorz will long gone?!

As you enjoy this King Holiday, take a few moments to reflect and educate yourself on the story they don’t want you to know by watching Cokely’s lecture and learn just who actually killed MLK, or at least has blood on their shirt—I mean handz!

Know that what they want you to know is not what you should know.

Dua, MLK for your courage to accept your change and be vocal about it and Bro. Cokely for your research and courage to share!

Bless…

Article written by M’Bwebe Aja Ishangi

Stokely Speaks: Black Power to Pan Africanism

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This remarkable collection of speeches and essays originally published in 1971 by one of the significant figures to emerge during the civil rights struggle of the 1960s in the United States, has been re-issued in a time period where the ideas put forward between 1965-1971 are just as important today as they were then. The questions of who is qualified to run society and government, the role of resistance in the struggle for genuine democracy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the role of people in the west in regard to revolutions taking place in the so-called Third World and Pan-Africanism.

With a forward by award-winning journalist from death row, Mumia Abu-Jamal, the book illustrates that it is not only a historical document but a living work in the service of not only understanding the past but bringing its weight to the contemporary challenges faced by conscious people in the 21st Century. In addition, Bob Brown’s preface to this new issue lends the credibility needed from someone who was influenced heavily by Carmichael (Ture) and worked closely with him for over three decades.

Mumia’s points to the importance of the book from someone who was younger than Carmichael but who was influenced by the political tendencies that he was instrumental in developing. Jamal was a member of the Philadelphia Chapter of the Black Panther Party from 1968. He admits that the split within the Black Panther Party in 1969 tainted his earlier view of Carmichael. However, he regrets that things were not different and that how much stronger the revolutionary movement may have been if these differences had not become antagonistic:

” …what would history have been if Ture did not leave the Party? What if the Party was big enough, strong enough, mature enough to include his insights into their own? Ture writes (in “Pan-Africanism”) of the “ideological issues” that separated him from the Party. Although he is not explicit, the issue was working with white radicals, something Ture found untenable. Ironically, the ideological positions between Huey P. Newton and Stokely Carmichael were perhaps closer than first thought. As early as 1971, Newton recognized that the Party’s work with white radicals was unproductive, for “White radicals did not give us access to the White community.” One cannot read Stokely’s trenchant analysis of white liberalism without coming to the same conclusion (see his January 1969 speech, “The Pitfalls of Liberalism”).”

As early as 1966, Carmichael was articulating a view that foresaw the protracted nature of national and class politics in the United States. During the recent period there have been vicious attacks on the political gains made by Africans in America during the civil rights and black power movements of the 1950s through the 1970s. Illustrating this clearly is the recent passage in the state of Michigan of a ballot initiative that changed the constitution to effectively outlaw affirmative action. This took place in the aftermath of a Supreme Court decision in 2003 upholding in principle of the use of race as a deciding factor in both undergraduate and graduate/professional school admissions.

The central role of education in the process of national discrimination or institutional racism is pointed out in the essay entitled: “Who Is Qualified?” originally published in the January 8, 1966 issue of the New Republic. It was written at a time when Carmichael was organizing in Lowndes County, Alabama where the first Black Panther Party was formed with the explicit purpose of building an independent political force backed up by the armed will of the people to defend themselves against racist terror.

In regard to the undemocratic character of the distribution of educational resources in the United States, Carmichael writes that: “The panacea for lack of opportunity is education, as is the panacea for prejudice. But just how available is it? If every sixteen-year-old in the nation were motivated to attend high school, he could not: there are not enough schools, not enough physical space. As for college, less than one-quarter of the population ever gets there. The financial barrier is too high; even the cheapest state college charges fees which are impossible for the poor. Scholarships serve only the gifted. To make matters worse, many universities and colleges are already fighting off the mob by making entry more difficult. It is getting harder, not easier, for the poor to be included here. For the Negro, there is an additional problem. He is not psychologically attuned to think of college as a goal. Society has taught him to set short sights for himself, and so he does.”

In the essay entitled: “Power and Racism”, which initially appeared in the New York Review of Books in September of 1966, explains how this structural oppression of African people spawns resistance. He criticizes the purported non-violent character of the civil rights movement in the early 1960s. He points to the dialetical relationship between the government’s response to the demands of the movement during its early phase to the eruption of urban rebellions which he explains are the natural outcome of the lack of response to peaceful protests:

“None of its so-called leaders could go into a rioting community and be listened to. In a sense, I blame ourselves–together with the mass media–for what has happened in Watts, Harlem, Chicago, Cleveland and Omaha. Each time the people in those cities saw Martin Luther King get slapped, they became angry; when they saw four little black girls bombed to death, they were angrier; and when nothing happened, they were steaming. We had nothing to offer that they could see, except to go out and be beaten again. We helped build their frustration.”

In providing a working definition of black power as an ideology and political program to counter the perceived weakness of the civil rights movement, Carmichael says later on in this same essay “Power and Racism” that: “This is what they seek: control. Where Negroes lack a majority, Black Power means proper representation and sharing of control. It means the creation of power bases from which black people can work to change statewide or nationwide patterns of oppression through pressure from strength–instead of weakness. Politically, Black Power means what it has always meant to SNCC: the coming together of black people to elect representatives and to force those representatives to speak to their needs. It does not mean merely putting black faces into office. A man or woman who is black and from the slums cannot be automatically expected to speak to the needs of black people. Most of the black politicians we see around the country today are not what SNCC means by Black Power. The power must be that of a community, and emanate from there.”

Some four decades later Africans in America have not realized this form of politics which is first and foremost designed to serve the immediate interests and needs of the community. In addition, to the domestic agenda involving education, political power and self-organization, the foreign policy of the United States reflects the internal racism and national oppression against Africans and other oppressed peoples. This is why Carmichael would accept an invitation to address the First Conference of the Organization of Latin American Solidarity in Cuba during July of 1967.

Carmichael begins this chapter entitled: “Solidarity With Latin America”, by stating forthrightly that Africans in the United States share common interests with the peoples of South America and its environs. He says that: “We share with you a common struggle, it becomes increasingly clear; we have a common enemy. Our enemy is white Western imperialist society. Our struggle is to overthrow this system that feeds itself and expands itself through the economic and cultural exploitation of non-white, non-Western peoples–of the Third World.”

These words are still relevant today in light of the continuing threats by US imperialism against the sovereignty of the Cuban Revolution. This lack of respect for Cuban independence is also represented by the continuing occupation of Guantanamo Bay as a naval base on that Caribbean island. One of the most egregious violations of human rights and the dignity of people has been the existence of torture camps where hundreds are held without charge or trial.

In the continental United States a burgeoning immigrant rights movement during 2006 has exploded and opened new avenues for solidarity and mass struggle. The resurrection of May Day in the country where it was formed has once again in the 21st Century been made a reality by recent immigrants as it was during the 19th Century with immigrants from Germany, Ireland and other European nations.

In another significant solidarity effort that has remained essential from the 1960s to the 21st Century is of course the question of the Palestinian’s right of return as well as national independence through the realization of a independent state for the Palestinian people. Carmichael in his address to the Organization of Arab Students in Ann Arbor, Michigan in August of 1968, he lays out the case for African-American solidarity with the Palestinian Revolution. He offers a serious critique of Zionism and the role of the propaganda put forward by this movement that seeks to win sympathy for the continued occupation of Palestinian land and the denial of self-determination for this oppressed and colonized people.

Carmichael says that:”Zionists have a very effective, offensive propaganda. They state their propaganda and everyone accepts it as the truth and they put on the defensive anyone who tries to even question their propaganda by calling him anti-Semitic. It’s a very, very good trick: nobody wants to be anti-Semitic, nobody wants to hate people merely because of their race. The way we found to counteract the offensive propaganda of the Zionists is to state our propaganda, and state it offensively, and state ours as the truth, and not bow down or question or quibble with the Zionists’ propaganda; that is the only way we have found to be able to deal with them. If the Zionists assert that they have a right to Israel, then we assert that the Palestinians have a right to Palestine. And once we assert that, there is never room for discussion. But once we assert that the Palestinians have a right to Palestine because it belongs to them, then there can be room for discussion in this country. That is precisely what we did: try very hard to calculate assertions that would for once put the Zionists on the defensive in this country and let them back up their so-called State of Israel, which we all know to be an unjust and certainly immoral state.”

In 2006 there was the blanket bombing of southern Lebanon by Israel. The United States Senate passed a resolution without opposition supporting this military action that was condemned by people throughout the region and to an increasing degree by popular organizations inside this country. It is the funding from American taxpayers that supply the F-15 and F-16 fighter planes which bomb Lebanon under the guise of fighting the falsely-labelled Hezbullah Party as terrorists.

Even a former US President is attacked by the pro-Israeli lobby and sections of the ruling class for publishing a book describing the social system in occupied Palestine as apartheid-like in its character. Consequently, the notion of solidarity between Africans in the United States and Palestinians goes to heart of challenging the imperialist’s aim of dominating the middle-east through the notion of protecting the security of Israel, a settler-colonial state.

By 1969, Carmichael had re-located in the west African nation of Guinea-Conakry, then under the leadership of the Democratic Party of Guinea (PDG) headed by President Ahmed Sekou Toure. Pan-Africanism utilizes as a principle tenet the international character of the black struggle, the identity of these peoples as Africans and the unity of peoples of African descent around the world.

In a “Message from Guinea” sent in the form of a letter to the founding meeting of the Malcolm X Liberation University in Durham, North Carolina in October of 1969, Carmichael states that: “Now, we must recognize that black people, whether we are in Durham, San Francisco, Jamaica, Trinidad, Brazil, Europe or on the mother continent, are all an African people. We are Africans, there can be no quesiton about that. We came from Africa, our is African…. We have all suffered the same oppression at the hands of white folks, whether in Lynchburg, Virginia; Money, Mississippi; Accra, Ghana; or Johannesburg, South Africa.”

Carmichael views Pan-Africanism as the highest expression of Black Power. Here the evolution is complete from civil rights and black power to the realization that the liberation of Africa is key to the world-wide freedom of all peoples who share the continent as a homeland.

The reprinting of this book comes as an enormous contribution to the ongoing ideological and political discussion among African peoples related to their continuing quest for genuine human emancipation. This book provides the opportunity for an ancestor to speak from the whirlwind, to provide encouragement and guidance to the developing struggle for qualitative change and social transformation.

Review by Abayomi Azikiwe