Meaning of the Hurricane(Her-ricane)

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Ana Nzinga Mbande-Queen of Angola

NPG D34632; Ann Zingha by Achille DevÈria, printed by  FranÁois Le Villain, published by  Edward Bull, published by  Edward Churton, after  Unknown artist

In the 16th century, Portuguese slave traders turned to the Congo and southwest Africa, after their stake in the slave trade was threatened by England and France in the northern part of the continent. Their most stubborn opposition came from an unexpected source: an Angolan queen who ruthlessly maneuvered her way into power, fought off the slavers for decades, and, rumor has it, immolated her lovers.

Nzinga of Ndongo and Matamba, also known as Nzinga Mbandi, Anna Nzinga, and Rainha Ginga, was born in 1583 to the king of Ndongo, a kingdom of the Mbundu people in modern-day Angola. The story goes that Nzinga was so named because she was born with her mother’s umbilical cord wrapped around her neck, and the Mbundu word for “to twist” is kujinga (an alternate spelling of Nzinga is “Njinga”). This circumstance was believed to indicate that the child would grow to be proud and haughty.

The king, Ngola Kiluanji, allowed Nzinga and his son, Ngola Mbandi, to witness his governance of the kingdom, which included numerous guerrilla raids against Portuguese invaders who were trying to infiltrate the territory. His children, as a result, grew up with a sharp understanding of the horrific implications of Portuguese colonization, which depended on slavery to expand its reach and riches.

According to Joseph C. Miller’s Nzinga of Matamba in a New Perspective, Nzinga first appears in the historical record in 1622, when she arrived in Luanda as the emissary for her brother, the ruler at the time. He had been dedicating all of his efforts and forces to keeping the Portuguese out of the highlands east of Luanda. During her visit, Nzinga converted to Christianity, and was baptized as Ana de Souza, a fact that would help her in her later negotiations with the Portuguese. Within two years of his sister’s visit to Luanda, Ngola Mbandi had died under unknown circumstances, and Nzinga had staked her claim as ruler of the kingdom.

Though Nzinga was about to revolutionize diplomatic relations between the Portuguese and the Mbundu state, she seized her title with great opposition from the internal political factions in the kingdom. The 17th-century Mbundu kingdom was made up of a hierarchy of linked political titleholders each with their own followings. After Ngola Mbandi’s death, the king’s title would normally have gone to the leader with a combination of the most number of followers and the most deft political maneuvering.

“The scant evidence available on Nzinga’s place in this general structure indicates that her claim to the royal title of the ngola a kiluanje violated established Mbundu norms,” writes Miller. “The Mbundu harbored strong feelings against females assuming any political title and explicitly prohibited any woman from assuming the position of the ngola a kiluanje.”

Initially, the Portuguese did not recognize Nzinga as the rightful ruler of the Mbundu people, either; they suspected that she was somehow implicated in her brother’s death and refused to honor her right to succeed him. They instead assumed that the heir apparent to the Mbundu throne was Ngola Mbandi’s son.

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As a result, Nzinga was forced to turn to support from outside the state: from a band of Imbangala warriors who inhabited the borders of the Mbundu kingdom and had expressed hostility against both Mbundu and Portuguese armies in the past. She also offered asylum to slaves escaping from Portuguese territories, eventually recruiting them as manpower.

The Imbangala in particular were crucial to increasing Nzinga’s position in domestic politics. Not only were they notorious for their fierce ways and highly effective war strategies, they did not have the same hierarchical structure as the Mbundu and frequently recognized women under the title of tembanza: a leader in both war and politics. Nzinga manipulated the Imbangala’s readiness to accept a kinless woman as their leader by assuming the tembanza position in a group of Imbangala lead by the kaza, one of the most powerful warlords in the region.

The Mbundu recognized Nzinga’s situation with the kaza as a marriage of sorts, and so did the Portuguese. According to Miller, Nzinga then used the kaza to help her kill her brother’s son, the heir apparent, in an effort to secure her position as the leader of the Mbundu. However, eventually the Imbangala left Nzinga and defected to the Portuguese due to her lack of Imbangala ancestry. By 1629, Nzinga was left without allies, with the Portuguese army in hot pursuit.

She fled to the old Mbundu kingdom of Matamba, a safeground that had in recent years been ravaged by Portuguese and Imbangala raids. In the 16th century, Matamba had flourished under the rule of several queens, although they had long since ceded rule to Nzinga’s father, Ngola Kiluanji, and later her brother. The disarray after his death and the various raids had created a political vacuum which Nzinga was quick to fill, using their willingness to accept female rulers to buttress her position as leader of the Mbundu.

Nzinga increased her wealth, her armies and her power by blocking Portuguese access to slave trade routes and diverting the slaves into Matamba. She continued to resist Portuguese troops well into her 60s, and it is said that she would wear male dress and lead her armies into battle herself.

Legends of Nzinga extend outside of her brilliant military tactics and political strategy. In Philosophy in the Boudoir, the Marquis de Sade wrote that Nzinga “immolated her lovers,” obtaining a large, all-male harem after she became queen and having each man she slept with killed after their carnal encounter. Though there is no way of knowing if there is truth to these rumors, there is no denying Nzinga was a ruthless ruler, unafraid of sacrificing men who came in her way.

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In 1657, at the age of 74, Nzinga entered peace treaty talks with the Portuguese, after having fought and been worn down by colonial and slave raiding attacks for decades. After conceding much of her power, Nzinga devoted her efforts to rebuilding her war-torn nation. Following her death in 1663, the Portuguese lost their most valiant opposition and were able to accelerate their colonial occupation.

As Donald Burness points out in “Nzinga Mbandi” and Angolan Independence, up until the 20th century, not much had been written by African writers on historical African revolutionaries. But during Angola’s fight for independence from the Portuguese in the 1970s, an MPLA leader named Manual Pacavira wrote a novel about Nzinga called Nzinga Mbandi while imprisoned by the Portuguese, drawing many parallels between her fight and the ongoing civil war.

“The spirit of Rainha Ginga is not dead; it serves as a source of inspiration and pride to a people and its leaders who face new challenges and new opportunities,” writes Burness. Angola is now independent, and a statue dedicated to Nzinga in Luanda serves as a tribute to one of the first people to have fought for its freedom.

Article written by Urvija Banjeri

Devils Among Us: Biggest Slave Owners

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  1. Col. Joshua John Ward of Georgetown, South Carolina: 1,130 slaves.
  2. Dr. Stephen Duncan of Issaquena, Mississippi: 858 slaves.
  3. John Burneside of Ascension, Louisiana: 753 slaves; Saint James: 187 slaves. Sugar plantations.
  4. Meredith Calhoun of Rapides, Louisiana: 709 slaves. Sugar and cotton plantations.
  5. William Aiken of Colleton, South Carolina: 700 slaves.
  6. Gov. John L. Manning of Ascension, Louisiana: 670 slaves. Sugar.
  7. Col. Joseph A. S. Acklen of West Feliciana, Louisiana: 659 slaves. 6 cotton plantations.
  8. Gov. Robert Francis Withers Allston of Georgetown, South Carolina: 631 slaves.
  9. Joseph Blake of Beaufort, South Carolina: 575 slaves.
  10. John Robinson of Madison, Mississippi: 550 slaves.
  11. Jerrett Brown of Sumter, Alabama: 540 slaves.
  12. Arthur Blake of Charleston, South Carolina: 538 slaves.
  13. John J. Middleton of Beaufort, South Carolina: 530 slaves.
  14. Elisha Worthington of Chicot, Arkansas: 529 slaves.
  15. Daniel Blake of Colleton, South Carolina: 527 slaves.
  16. J. C. Jenkins of Wilkinson, Mississippi: 523 slaves.
  17. J. Harleston Read of Georgetown, South Carolina: 511 slaves.
  18. John Butler of McIntosh, Georgia: 505 slaves.
  19. Charles Heyward of Colleton, South Carolina: 491 slaves.
  20. Alfred V. Davis, Concordia, Louisiana: 500+ slaves. 4 Cotton plantations.
  21. O. J. Morgan, Carroll, Louisiana: 500+ slaves. 4 Cotton plantations.
  22. Levin R. Marshall, Concordia (2), Louisiana: 248 slaves. Madison (1), 236 slaves. Cotton.
  23. D. F. Kenner, Ascension, Louisiana: 473 slaves. Sugar.
  24. R. R. Barrow, Lafourche, Louisiana: 74 slaves; Terrebonne: 399 slaves. Sugar.
  25. Mrs. Mary C. Stirling/Sterling, Pointe Coupee (2), Louisiana: 338 slaves. Sugar. West Feliciana: 127 slaves. Cotton.

This video pretty much speaks for itself.  It shows some of the biggest slave owners in America. It shows how America was built from the blood,sweat and tears of black people.  And they wonder why many of us are still in poverty.  What would you expect??  You work for hundreds of years with NO payment. Reparations should have been paid a long time ago.

When We Ruled

Ruled...

This landmark publication, which is superbly illustrated with high quality photographs, maps and drawings, provides an extraordinary and cutting-edge synthesis of the archaeological data, the documentary evidence, and the historical linguistic research. It recounts the fascinating story of the origin and development of indigenous civilisations across the vast panorama of the African continent.

In particular,Robin Walker answers the key question in Black history: How much documented history is there beyond the Slave Trade, Mary Seacole, and Malcolm X? In 713 pages that question is answered again and again with a vast array of evidence that explodes the widely held view that Africans were without historical distinctions. In particular, there are ancient and medieval monuments that are still standing all over Africa. In addition, there are Black families and institutions that still possess their medieval manuscripts.This brother did some great research for this book.

The history of Black people cannot be divorced from the history of peoples on other continents particularly Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Topic areas that have traditionally been ignored, such as Black Women’s history, early African science and technology, and the two-way influences between Africa and Europe, are also discussed.

What is remarkable about this work is that for the first time it dares to connect Egypt, and its cultural affinities, with Africa and its chronological timeline within the vast chronology (nearly 90,000 years) of African achievement. It is now untenable for Egyptologists to consider themselves to be experts on Egypt without understanding the African cultural signature embedded within Ancient Egypt and its long history.

Faculty, students and parents interested in a comprehensive, critical and balanced overview of African or Black history will find no better book.

Harriet Tubman on the $20 Bill?-Naazir Ra

They want to put black hero Harriet Tubman on the $20 bill. What does it mean?  Is this progress?  Does this mean black people are now accepted by the mainstream?  I sure as hell don’t think so.  Naazir Ra breaks down what this realize means.  And what it really symbolizes.  There’s a much deeper meaning behind it.

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Slavery is a video game now! Your holocaust must not have been so bad, right?

Now our struggle is a video game??  We should not be surprised by this.  The rapes,lynchings,being burned alive and genocide committed on our ancestors has been reduced to a video game.  This is a game in Europe to help little white kids understand slavery better.  I hardly think that a video game is a proper tool to do this.  This is all designed to make it seem like our pain wasn’t that bad. After all, we have never gotten reparations for slavery anyway.  They don’t give a damn about what our ancestors went through.  Our ancestors built America into the empire it has become.  And we don’t even get an apology for what they did to us.  Could you imagine a video game about the Jewish Holocaust?  No way!  They would never let that happen. Jews would not even allow it.  Jews have enough power and influence to stop something like that.  What about us?  Are black people okay with this?  I’m sure as hell not!  I find it highly insulting. But I’ve been around Europeans all my life and nothing they do surprises me anymore.  This is just another lesson in how white supremacy operates.