2017 Women’s March: Black Female Perspective

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Following Trump’s inauguration a series of Women’s Marches occurred throughout North America. The protests erupted to preserve the female liberties seemingly threatened by a “conservative” president who boasted of sexually assaulting women. As a female, I empathize and even support the initiatives that foment this March. However, although a woman, I know that I am inevitably black first. Thus, I can’t help but feel that by supporting the women’s march is to support the very means of my oppression.

On my a tri-weekly journey to a previous job, I recall seeing a number of protestors outside of Planned Parenthood at the wee hours of the morning seeking to shame female patrons. One protestor stood out from the others—an elderly white man surely north of seventy-five. He stood hunched over, holding an oaktag with a message written in ballpoint pen. I did not bother to read the poster, but judging by the stoic expression on his face, he was there to cast the stones of white male privilege onto the female body. Standing at the intersectionality of race and gender, the black woman knows this gaze all to well. While the literal gaze casts itself onto the black female body countless places throughout North America, the figurative gaze consumes black femininity in its entirety. The women’s march solely speaks to the “woman” component of this gaze, eliminating the most defining characteristic of black female identity.

Reproductive rights in general proves controversial to  the black female trajectory. A quick glance at history reveals that the black female endured sheer deprivation in terms of reproductive rights—her body used as means for mayoral economic franchisement. White women too encompassed an existence that also regarded them as property, however their fair skin warranted privileges denied to the black female body. These exclusive liberties afforded to white women illustrate the concept of “woman” as a privilege solely applicable to non-male whites. Consider the phrasing “black” woman. The label “Black woman” illustrates that black female intersectionality separates black females from the term’s initial meaning. For any “woman” of another marginalized faction, their race or ethnicity always precedes the term woman—proving their genitals deem them female but their race and ethnicity is first and foremost. Femininity is also a privilege extended exclusively to non-male whites. This exclusivity persists as the black female body only earns femininity when adopting western aesthetics and behavior.

Given the exclusivity of the term “woman,” I find it quite disturbing that white women ( and other oppressed groups) call on the black women for support in their times of distress, yet alienate the black female body when their children, brothers and fathers lay slain on the streets or untagged in the morgue. How many white women “said her name” after Sandra Bland was murdered? How many white women were overtly outraged after the Trayvon Martin verdict was rendered?

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To take a trip down memory lane, how many white female feminists supported Tawana Brawley in her 1988 trial? If autonomy over the female body is right every woman deserves- why was their no feminist congregation when this young, black girl was sexually assaulted by a number of white men? The answer is simple.  Issues that engage both blackness and femininity become “black” issues instantaneously. This fact reveals that feminism is simply not built to encompass intersectional identities and thereby is not equipped to extinguish black female disenfranchisement.

It seems that former President Barack Obama’s victory disgruntled feminists, who supported this victory as long as it was a symbol of the feminist victory to follow.  It seems feminists felt that history would repeat itself. Namely, black male voting privilege preceded white female voting liberties.  Thus, feminists deemed Clinton’s victory inevitable following Obama’s 2008 victory. Dr. Angela Davis expressed a similar sentiment in the following excerpt from her book Women, Race and Class,

“The representative women of the nation have done their uttermost for the last thirty years to secure freedom for the negro; and as long as he was lowest in the scale of being, we were willing to press his claims, but now, as the celestial gate to civil rights is sIowly moving on its hinges, it becomes a serious question whether we had better stand aside and see ‘Sambo’ walk into the kingdom first.” (Davis 70)

Now that it seems that the black collective has something that the white female collective does not, the bells of white privilege right loudly under the veil of feminism.

Feminism functions to afford white women the same liberties as white men. The main component of these liberties is racism—deeming black female participation in any feminist activity injurious. Thus, to participate in a woman’s march as a black woman is to   march along to the stagnant beat of white supremacy. For the black woman is a queen, but to the western world she will never truly be  a woman.

Article written by C.C. Saunders

The Secret Relationship between Blacks and Jews

Well packaged, the book contains 334 pages of fully documented text including 1,275 footnotes, from more than 3,000 sources. Most of the sources, if not all, were collected from Jewish historical literature.

As a research document, the book is not what you would call an easy read, however, with a fully annotated index, and clearly descriptive sections and subject titles, the book is surprisingly easy to navigate. The editors detailed clearly all references consistently linked by sparse journalistic narratives intended to enhance clarity while not distracting the reader from the information contained within.

One area of note is the abolitionist movement, of which Jewish scholars ostensibly claim membership. On page 147 the Historical Research Department clearly shows using Jewish sources, that those involved in the abolitionist movement were few, and those who did stand against the institution of slavery “were scorned and rebuked – most harshly by their own brethren in the synagogue.”

There is an additional point of interest identified through the research of the Historical Research Department. It is shown that those who did stand against the spread of slavery did so because of the threat it presented to their jobs and economic well being. This is a central difficulty and one that cannot be easily countered by the Jewish thought control organizations, since many who decried this book as anti-Semitic, cited the fact that Jews were apart of the abolitionist movement as a defense.

There is no denying that they were a part of the abolitionist movement. Similarly, there is no denying that members of the Jewish community were involved in the civil rights movement of the 1960’s, however, the motivation behind the involvement must be brought to light. Interestingly enough, their involvement appears motivated by self-interests and not compassion and concern.

In exhaustive detail, The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews provides geographic records beginning with the infamous Columbus voyages, and dealing with Jews and slavery in Brazil, Surinam, Barbados, Curacao and Jamaica. Jewish Slavery in Colonial North America, the South, and Jewish involvement in the Civil War.

Jewish court records, port records and wills of Jewish slave owners were used. The names of ships, their owners and in many cases, their cargo, were listed and presented in an easy to understand format. Not only is the information easy to read, but using Jewish sources also eliminates the accusation of fraud – unless of course the Jewish scholars maintain that their research in this matter is shoddy and fraudulent.

Given the volatility of the subject, it is obvious why a book approaching this area would be controversial, however as the number of those having read the book has grown over the years, it has produced in many areas, as the editor’s note stated “an opportunity to develop a more equitable relationship between the families of man.”

One of the most controversial books of the decade, this book is one that you must own in order to be considered, up to date and well-educated regarding historical realities. The scholarly treatment of this subject by the Historical Research Department is unmatched.