Black Panther: Pan African Superhero?

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One of the problems with Black superheroes in Marvel and DC comics is that they may look Black, but very rarely do they reflect the experiences and struggles of Black people. This was a point that was made Kenneth Ghee who explained in Black Comics: Politics of Race and Representation that: “Historically in comic books and movies, the Black superhero operates in a totally Eurocentric (White) context; no Black family, no Black lover, no connection to community or culture…For him (and for us and our children) there is no Black consciousness or Black cause, only a generalized ‘humanitarian’ supportive role from a Eurocentric worldview and perspective.” Given that the Black Panther movie is set to be released next month, I would like to point out that one of the unique things about the Black Panther is that he is one Black superhero who has to confront many of the problems that Black people confront daily. The Black Panther doesn’t just live in Africa, he also lives many of the real problems that Africa has faced and continues to face. Black Panther comics are filled with themes of Western imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism in Africa. These themes are especially prominent in the six episode cartoon series which was an adoption of Reginald Hudlin’s run of the comics.
In the comics Wakanda is the most technologically advanced country in the world because the people of Wakanda are able to utilize their country’s resources for their own benefit. Wakanda was the only African country never to be colonized or conquered, so it did not suffer through the ravages of the slave trade and colonialism which disrupted Africa’s development and, as Walter Rodney explained, underdeveloped Africa. Some have defended colonialism by arguing that colonization was a benefit to Africa because it introduced European technology, but this was not entirely the case. The technology that was introduced was utilized in the service of European domination in Africa. The vast majority of colonized Africans were exploited and impoverished, and they did not benefit from European technology in any significant way.

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Ethiopia was able to fend off the Italian invasion and under Menelik II’s rule Ethiopia made many technological advances, including establishing a railway, a postal service, and the country’s first hospital. This was because without European domination Ethiopia was free to adopt European technology and apply it in ways that were beneficial to their country, but the other colonized African nations did not have this benefit. Whereas Menelik was able to establish a hospital, in many colonies Africans were malnourished and given inadequate medical care. In Mozambique the Portuguese failed to train a single African doctor and Guinea-Bissau was even more neglected by the Portuguese colonialists than Mozambique was. Julius Nyerere, the first president of Tanzania, once explained that by the time Tanzania gained its independence the country only had 12 doctors. Wakanda presents us with a glimpse of where Africa could have been had it not been for colonialism, as well as a glimpse of where Africa could very well be with the proper leadership.
Comic book superheroes are typically people who decide to become superheroes due to personal tragedy or by obtaining superheroes, but the Black Panther is unique in that he has inherited his role as a superhero. T’Challa comes from a long dynasty of Black Panthers that have protected Wakanda for thousands of years. The Black Panther does fight the typical super villains that are found in comics, but what makes this character unique for people of African descent is that the Black Panther also fights a threat that Africans had to fight in real life, which is European colonization. For example, one story in Hudlin’s run depicts one of T’Challa’s ancestors defending his nation against an assault led by a European settler known as Klaue. In the story Klaue is a soldier who fought military campaigns in South Africa and has nothing but contempt for Africans, whom he views as uncivilized savages.

Thomas S..
T’Challa’s own story is rooted in Africa’s struggle against neo-colonial forces. T’Challa’s father, T’Chaka, was murdered for refusing to give up Wakanda’s most valuable resource, which is a fictional metal known as vibranium. In Hudlin’s retelling of the story, T’Chaka’s assassination was part of a plot that was carried out by various Western countries that were unable to talk T’Chaka into giving them his country’s resources. When they realized that T’Chaka could not be bought off, their next option was to simply kill him. This brings to mind the assassinations of Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara, and other African leaders who were killed or overthrown by Western countries for refusing to serve the interests of those countries. T’Challa ascends to the throne and has to remain cautious about the fact that the very governments that assassinated his father would be plotting to do the same to him.
Aside from the Western governments that seek to undermine Wakanda to exploit its wealth, the Black Panther also has to confront African dictators such as M’Butu, who is one of the antagonists in the cartoon series. M’Butu is the dictator of a nation that borders Wakanda and he is depicted as being the opposite of T’Challa. M’Butu is greedy, self-serving, and is easily paid off like many of the dictators that continue to rule Africa today. M’Butu is also a close American ally and even agrees to participate in a plot to overthrow the Black Panther. Black Panther not only fights to protect his nation against European invaders, but against African traitors as well.
I am not sure how deeply the movie will delve into these themes. The anti-colonialist message found in the cartoon series and some of the comics was toned down when the Black Panther was introduced in Captain American: Civil War. In that movie T’Chaka’s assassination was part of a plot to frame the Winter Soldier rather than being an assassination that was carried out because T’Chaka refused to give up his country’s resources. Even if the anti-colonialist message is toned down, I still think the significance of the Black Panther movie is that it’s a movie that will challenge some of the ways Africa and African people are typically depicted in the mainstream media. It is also significant in that it has a message that is relevant to all people of African descent. For African Americans and others in the diaspora it is a reminder that there is more to our history that slavery, and for those on the African continent it is a reminder of the great potential that Africa has.

Article by Dwayne Omowale

The Symbolism & Metaphysics of Sports(Esoteric Knowledge)

Masonic Football..

A few years ago I told a subscriber I believed that sports were rigged.  I did a post on this subject in the past.  But since the Super Bowl is coming up I figured I might as well do one now.  I decided I would go a little more in depth.  The big game will feature the Philadelphia  Eagles vs the New England Patriots.  I personally can’t stand the quarterback Tom Brady and the Patriots.  I hope the Eagles beat them.  But it doesn’t really matter since I strongly believe that professional sports are rigged.  I think at least the big events like the NBA finals,World Series and the Super Bowl.  I have said in the past that Freemasons created football. Most football,basketball and baseball teams are owned by Zionist Jews.  It’s basically ethnocentric tribalism.  They have an entire monopoly on sports.  And they  numbers and occult symbolism  in big games. Here’s a link about the creation of football:

https://gnosticwarrior.com/freemasons-created-the-game-of-football.html

Although we must keep in mind that Freemasons origins come from ancient Kemet(Egypt). The signs and symbols of ancient and modern Freemasonry are rooted in Kemet (Egypt) and the evidence is overwhelmingly obvious that Freemasonry borrowed its allegorical myths and ideological metaphors from more ancient societies that were well advanced in the philosophical mysteries.  It all began in Cush (Abyssinia or Ethiopia) were perhaps some of the wisest Nubians toiled and where civilization originated. Thus transmitting their enlightenment in compliment with how the Nile River flows from south to north. Reference Sterling Means in his book titled, “Ethiopia and the Missing Link in African History” and John G. Jackson work titled, “Ethiopia and the Origin of Civilization” .
Drusilla Houston in her book titled the “Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient Cushite Empire,” stated: “To the Cushite race belonged the oldest and purest Arabian blood. They were the original Arabians and the creators of the ancient civilization, evidences of which may be seen in the stupendous ruins in every part of the country. At the time that Ethiopians began to show power as monarchs of Egypt about 3000 to 3500 B.C. the western part of Arabia was divided into two powerful kingdoms. In those days the princes of Arabia belonged wholly to the descendants of Cushite, who ruled Yemen for thousands of years.”

The players are just millionaire puppets that they allow to play the games.  I have watched many guys on YouTube like RFG Chosen One,Zachary Hubbard,We Come in Truth,Brian Tuohy,Heath Hunt,Phuture Sports and Social Experience who I’ve learned a lot from.  Over the past fifteen years I’ve done a lot of research on numerology,astrology,metaphysics,cosmology and symbology. And in doing so I’ve come to the conclusion that sports are indeed fixed,or at least orchestrated in some way.  This time I wanted to focus on the five Super Bowl’s the Patriots have won.  I think the Patriots are a representation of white power.  Even when you look at their logo the hat the patriot is wearing looks like red devil horns.  I think this is the reason the Patriots are “allowed” to win so many Super Bowls.  I personally think Tom Brady is not very athletic.  I think he’s extremely overrated.  He is presented as the “great white hope”.  The media always say he’s the greatest quarterback of all time.  I have noticed that over the years every time the Patriots win the Super Bowl they beat a team that represents an African(Kemetic) deity.  I have seen this in all their Super Bowl wins.  Sounds far fetched?  Keep an open mind and I’ll show you.

Mandorla2..

Mandorla1..

First let’s start with the football itself.  I’ve noticed that the football is shaped like a mandorla. A mandorla symbolizes the intersection of two spheres of heaven and earth.  Although the geometric symbol of earth is the square(or cube) and the symbol of heaven is the circle,two circles are sometimes used to symbolize the Upper and Lower worlds. The union of the two worlds,or the zone of intersection and interpenetration is represented by the mandorla,an almond-shaped figure formed by two intersection circles.  It’s used a lot in religious artwork usually surrounding the entire figure of a holy person. I could be wrong but I think this is why football has a much deeper meaning to these Freemasons.

Kemet Deity...

Rams..

The first Super Bowl the Patriots won was in 2002.  Right after 9-11 happened when the whole country was being “patriotic”.

Ram God...

I always wondered if the Rams logo was a representation of the ram god Khnum.

Carolina Panthers..

In 2004 the Patriots beat the Carolina Panthers in the Super Bowl.  The Great White Hope beats the Black Panthers???

Kemetic Eagle..

In 2005 the Patriots defeated the Philadelphia Eagles.  In ancient Kemet the eagle was used to indicate the influence of a regime. The eagle was used as the symbol for Heru(Horus). Heru eventually became a falcon the Kemetic Sun God.

Seahawks..

Eye of Horus..

In 2015 the Patriots defeated the Seattle Seahawks.  Some say the Seahawks logo resembled the Eye of Horus(Ra).  That year was obviously rigged for the Patriots.  This is when the Seahawks pretty much had the Super Bowl won.  Seahawks quarterback Russell Wilson should’ve thrown given the ball to Marshawn Lynch and he could’ve gotten an easy touchdown.  But Wilson throws the ball and it’s intercepted by the Patriots.  Game over and the Patriots win!  It was so obvious it was rigged! It made me sick to watch it!

Atlanta Falcons..Heru..

Then just last year the Patriots defeated the Atlanta Falcons.  As I said earlier,the Falcons represented the African Sun God Heru(Horus).  So every team that Tom Brady as defeated was a team that had some African symbolism.  And the upcoming Super Bowl,once again they’re facing the Philadelphia Eagles.  As I said,I would like to see the Eagles win but I think the league wants Brady to get six rings.  That way they can say he is the greatest quarterback of all time.  Brady is very unskilled and unathletic.  But when the game is rigged in your favor of course you will look better than everyone else.  Brady wasn’t even that good when he played at the University of Michigan.  Brady was pick #199 in the sixth round.  So how does a sorry ass player that like that win so many Super Bowls?  I’m not buying it!

NFL Game Time..

Before I wrap up this post I have to mention numerology in football.  In freemasonry there are certain numbers they hold sacred.  Numbers like 9,66 and 666.  And master numbers like 11,22 and 33.  They believe these numbers have special powers if a person is born on these dates or an event happens on these dates.  Which is why certain sports events and attacks(false flags) happen on certain dates.  The number 33 is a very scared number. This is one of the reasons the Super Bowl usually starts at 3:30.  In sacred numerology you don’t count the zeros.  So the number is read as 33.  Since many of these freemasons on the elite levels are satanic they like to mock Jesus Christ.  The Bible says Jesus died at the age of 33. The Bible also says Jesus performed 33 miracles.

Freemason 33...

Also it’s said that there are the highest level in Freemasonry you can achieve is 33 1/3 degrees.  The number seems to come up quite a bit.  In the NBA the Los Angeles Lakers have the longest winning streak. Back in 1972 the Lakers won 33 straight games. No one has ever beat their record.   The most points by an NBA player is held by Kareem Abdul-Jabbar.  He scored over 38,000 points.  His jersey number was 33.  I don’t think anyone will ever score more than him.

Bank of America..

You can find it logos as well.  The bank of America logo displays three 11’s.  All in plain sight.  Are they trying to tell you they control the economic system?

KKK Masonic..

What about the racist group the Ku Klux Klan? K is the eleventh letter in the alphabet.  You add up three 11’s and you get 33.  The Klan was formed back in 1866 in Polaski,Tennessee.  One of the Fist Imperial  Wizards was  Nathan Bedford Forrest.  He was a Freemason.  So the KKK has Masonic origins.  As a side note, do you remember the film Forrest Gump?  Well Forrest was named after this racist KKK wizard.  See how they name these characters after racist bastards.  Then make you think it’s a positive feel good film.  Sneaky bastards!

Big Baller Brand..

Then we have Lavar Ball.  The loud mouth blowhard that raised his sons to become basketball stars.  Ball calls his sports apparel company,Big Baller Brand.  If you look at the logo it’s supposed to be “BBB”  but it definitely looks like a 333 to me.  I guess we know who Lavar takes his orders from.

Chicago Cubs...I also think the Chicago Cubs winning the World Series in 2016 was rigged from the beginning.  The media kept saying that the Cubs hadn’t won the series since 1908.  They said it had been 108 years since they  won the World Series. In numerology they add up all the numbers and zeros don’t count.  So 1+0+8 =9   Nine is a very unique number. Nine is a natural number. Any natural number multiplied by nine, and the digits of the number are repeatedly added until it is just one digit,the sum will be nine.  It’s the only number that does it.  Which is why it’s sometimes called the “divine nine”.

Number 9...

Another reason these secret societies like the number nine is because it seems like it can be found throughout nature.  In plants,insects,hurricanes and the universe.  Some say that African people have “9 ether” hair because our hair is tightly coiled that looks like the number nine. But I also noticed that the Willis Tower in Chicago has 108 floors. I also thought it was interesting that it was the 112 World Series and the day they won was on November 2.  Which looks like 11/2.  Coincidence??  You make the call.

Michael Jordan 6 rings..

I know a lot of people consider Michael Jordan the greatest basketball player of all time. His speed,jumping and shooting ability is undeniable.  But I think his ascension is most likely orchestrated.  I think these owners of the NBA pick and choose who will win championships. They can easily buy off referees to give certain players the good calls.  And give penalties to the opposing players they don’t favor.  Coincidentally Jordan has been associated with the number 6 quite a bit.  He won six championships.  He also won six NBA Finals MVP awards.  Jordan played in the NBA for 15 seasons. 1+5= 6.   And many people may not realize but the zip code for Chicago is 60606.  You don’t count the zeros so the number 666,  The satanic number of the biblical beast(satan).

Evil Patriots...

The Super Bowl is this coming Sunday.  I think the NFL wants Tom Brady to get his sixth ring.  That way he will have six rings just like Michael Jordan.  And the media will say he’s the greatest quarterback of all time.  Like I said,I hope Brady loses..but he looks destined to win again.  I hope you learned something from this post.  I try to give out information that you may not have heard before.    I think it’s good to have a better understanding of symbology and numerology.  That way we know the symbols and messages that are right in front of us.  I don’t think ignorance is bliss.  Who wants to be a happy idiot?  Knowledge is power.  We have to always remember that.  It also helps you decipher the real from the unreal.  I know a lot of people love sports and they use it for escapism.  I enjoy watching sports myself.  That’s fine,as long as you know what’s going on. I think it’s time we hear with our eyes and see with our ears.  I heard someone once say that a picture can speak a thousand words.  That may be true but not everyone can hear them.  Hopefully this post helps a bit. Peace.

 

Patrice Lumumba- Congolese Warrior

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During his exile in the 1980s, Mr Holden Roberto – president of the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) – and one of his collaborators, visited me in my office at Howard University in Washington. In order to counter accusations (incidentally well-founded) levelled at his party, of colluding with American imperialism and selling out on their commitment to Pan-Africanism, my two visitors began by reciting in its entirety Patrice Emery Lumumba’s famous speech at the Congolese independence ceremony on 30th June 1960. This gesture – which strongly affected me – shows the attachment you still find across the whole African continent, even among its lost sheep, for this martyr for African nationalism and the struggles of oppressed peoples all over the world.

Rare are the African countries where one does not find streets, even main roads, named after Lumumba. Many African children born after his assassination have ‘Lumumba’ as their forename. The former executive secretary of the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (2002-5) and president of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (2010-11) is called Patrick Lumumba, and his passion for change and eloquence recalls those qualities in his namesake.

These two references to the political heritage of Lumumba show how the assassination of this great African leader resonated – and continues to resonate – with Africans. In his excellent book, The Assassination of Lumumba, Belgian sociologist Ludo de Witte shows the significance of this particular assassination in the history of Western tactics against the anti-imperialist revolutions of the 20th Century – from Mossadegh’s Iran to Nasserist Egypt, Castro’s Cuba, Lumumba’s Congo and Sankara’s Burkina Faso.

It is in this context – the struggle between the interests of the international bourgeoisie and those of the popular masses – that we must understand the factors contributing to Lumumba’s assassination, its political consequences for Congo, and the place of this Congolese hero in the pantheon of universal defenders of the emancipation of peoples.

The assassination of Lumumba was the outcome of two conspiracies closely bound together with the American and Belgian governments, which relied on the complicity of certain Congolese leaders and a Belgian firing squad composed of soldiers and policemen under the Katanga puppet regime.

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Patrice Lumumba – the man and his political project

Who is Patrice Lumumba, and why was he so violently assassinated by the forces of counter-revolution? Born on 2nd July 1925 in Onalua, a small village in the region of Katako-Kombe, Lumumba received his education at primary school as well as among Belgian Catholic missionaries at Tshumbe Sainte-Marie and the famous Methodist mission in Wembo Nyama. He was not appreciated there, neither among the representatives of the colonial trinity (the State, big business, the Catholic Church) nor by the American missionaries – themselves fervent believers in the ideology of white supremacy prevalent in the Southern states of the USA, and too weak to contest colonial repression. An intellectually precocious pupil who rebelled against the thundering paternalism of the missionaries, the young Lumumba decided to leave Sankuru in 1944 without obtaining his certificate of study in order to spread his wings elsewhere. After several months in the region of Kindu, he would go on to pursue a career as a bureaucrat in Kisangani (then Stanleyville). It was during this long stay at Kisangani (1944-57) that Lumumba developed his characteristic traits; moral and intellectual integrity, immovability on points of principle, and exceptional bravery even in the face of death. As one of the members of the firing squad which killed him recalled, Lumumba maintained a glacial calm in front of the executioners.

At Kisangani, Lumumba distinguished himself as president, vice president, or secretary, of at least seven organisations of Congolese évolués – literally meaning ‘evolved people’, this term was used by the Belgian colonial establishment to distinguish a class of ‘Westernised’ blacks. An autodidact, with the exception of a year of professional training at the École Postale in Kinshasa (then Leopoldville), he succeeded in acquiring immense knowledge about the contemporary world through extensive, self-guided reading on politics and history. According to Thomas Kanza, his collaborator and biographer, Lumumba ‘read all that fell into his hands’. As leader, he was a convincing and effective representative for the Kisangani evolués, liaising with the governor of the province, the Belgian minister of the colonies, Auguste Buisseret, and the young king, Baudouin I, during his first visit to Congo in 1955. Still a believer in the idea of the Belgo-Congolese community, promulgated by amicales belgo-congolais, clubs comprising evolués and those Belgians open to a gradual process of integration, Lumumba was invited to Belgium for the first time in 1956.

Fearing his perspicacity and well-founded criticisms of colonial racism, the colonial authorities welcomed his return from Brussels with a charge of tax avoidance, followed by a sentence of two years in prison by a trial court in Kisangani. The public prosecutor, judging this punishment insufficient, made an appeal, but the court of appeal in Kinshasa confirmed the sentence of two years. This punishment was reduced to four months, which he had already served in preventative detention, followed by a royal order granting grace, signed on 27th August 1957.

If Kisangani had given him the political apprenticeship he needed to master the mysteries of organisation and political practice, these two experiences of Kinshasa, of the École Postale and his incarceration, contributed in a decisive way to the awakening of his political consciousness. During his training in postal service administration in 1948, Lumumba made a short visit to Brazzaville, on the right bank of the River Congo opposite Kinshasa. Thirsty from walking, he stopped outside a café with the hope of finding a waiter who would give him a glass of water. To his surprise, it was the European café patron who noticed him, and invited him to sit where the whites were seated and brought him, not tap water, but mineral water. For the sociologist Pierre Clément – for whom he would work as a research assistant four years later –here was the first time that Lumumba realised that another world was possible, habituated as he was to the system of apartheid practised in Belgian Congo. Reinvigorated by the model of assimilation among the French in Congo-Brazzaville – though the ‘card of civic merit’ in 1948 and formal registration in 1952 did not succeed in guaranteeing equality of access to jobs, medical treatment, housing, social services and recreation – an évolué Lumumba felt his long-cowed spirit emboldened enough to dream of a more beautiful country than Belgian Congo.

This dream of radical change would reinforce itself further during his months of incarceration, during which Lumumba had the occasion to lead a serious reflection on the future of Congo and to read the famous ‘Plan de trente ans pour l’émancipation politique de l’Afrique belge’ by A.A.J Van Bilsen, a little known professor at the Colonial University of Anvers, together with the two Congolese reactions to this document: first, ‘Manifeste de la Conscience Africaine’, the work of a group of catholic intellectuals represented by Joseph Ileo, Joseph Malula (future cardinal) and Joseph Ngalula; second, the counter-manifesto by l’Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), an ethnic association led by Joseph Kasavubu. After leaving prison, Lumumba installed himself in Kinshasa where, from 1957, he launched himself into the political struggle. Joining up with Ileo and Ngalula, he succeeded, in October 1958, in taking the leadership of the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC), a political organisation started up with the intention of eventually becoming a credible political party at the national level.

By a happy confluence of circumstances, the year 1958 ended with the emergence of Patrice Lumumba as one of the principal leaders in the struggle for independence. The turning point was the visit to Kinshasa by two east African leaders on their way to the first ‘Conference des peuples Africains’, held in Accra between the 5th and 13th December 1958. Concerned that a large country like Congo risked missing out on this great African rendez-vous, A.R. Mohamed Babu of Zanzibar and Tom Mboya of Kenya asked a hotel worker where they could find the political leaders of the emerging independence movement. The worker in question was very happy to bring about a meeting with Patrice Lumumba, then the commercial director of the Brasserie du Bas-Congo (Bracongo), which produced the beer Polar. Lumumba often offered this to clients, ostensibly for promotional purposes but often using this as an opportunity to awaken the clients’ political consciousness. Babu and Mboya were so impressed by Lumumba that they sent a telegram to the Pan African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA) asking for money to bring a Congolese delegation to Accra.

And so Patrice Lumumba, Gaston Diami and Joseph Ngalula accompanied Babu and Mboya to Accra, where Lumumba attracted the notice of the delegates at the conference, which brought together representatives from the 8 independent countries (Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia) and those of the political parties, trade unions and other organisations of the civil society of the Pan-African world. There he met the leaders of national liberation movements such as Félix-Roland Moumié of the Union des Populations de Cameroun (UPC), Frantz Fanon of the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) of Algeria, and Amilcar Cabral of the Parti Africain pour L’independence de Guinéeet du Cap Vert (PAIGC), and he established strong working relationships with some great African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Modibo Keita and Ahmed Sékou Touré.

On his return to Kinshasa, Lumumba organized a popular demonstration on Sunday 28th December to inform the Congolese population of the resolutions of the Accra conference and their implications for the independence movement in Congo. Following the refusal by the first Belgian mayor of Kinshasa to allow ABAKO to hold a similar meeting the following Sunday, 4th January 1959, the population of Kinshasa rose in a three-day rebellion which sounded the death knell for the Belgian colonial regime in Congo. “Indépendance immediate”, the slogan of protestors, became a non-negotiable demand in the struggle of the Congolese people for their total freedom. Instead of the thirty years suggested by Van Bilsen in 1956, independence was obtained in four. The mobilisation of the population by radical political parties like ABAKA and MNC-L was responsible for the erosion of legitimacy, as much as the repressive abilities, of the colonial regime. Lumumba benefited from this new situation by placing the MNC-L throughout all the provinces of the country, to the point that his party became the spearhead of the Congolese independence struggle.

BELGIUM LUMUMBA

The assassination of Lumumba        

For more than 128 years, the US and Belgium played key roles in fashioning the destiny of the Congo. In April 1884, seven months after the opening of Congress in Berlin, the US became the first country in the world to recognise the claims of King Leopold of Belgium to the Congo basin territories. When the atrocities linked to the brutal economic exploitation of Congo led to millions of deaths, the US joined with other global powers to force Belgium to put an end to the status of Congo as a personal possession of King Leopold II and to give it the status of an ordinary colony. During the colonial period (1908- 60), the US saw Congo’s strategic advantage due to its abundant natural resources, above all its uranium, which was used to created the first atomic weapons, the bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

With the launching of the Cold War, it was inevitable that Washington and her Western allies would not be disposed to give Africans control over their own strategically valuable natural resources, for fear that they would fall into the hands of their Soviet enemies. Because of this, Patrice Lumumba’s attempt to secure an authentic independence and to obtain effective control over the resources of Congo, with the aim of improving the living standards of our people, was seen as a threat to Western interests. In their fight against him, Washington and Brussels used all the tools and resources at their disposal, including the United Nations under Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld and his U.S. assistant Ralph Bunche, Lumumba’s Congolese political enemies, and his assassins.

In Congo, the assassination of Lumumba is, for good reason, considered the ‘original sin’ of the country. Occurring less than seven months after independence (30th June 1960), it was a stumbling block for ideals of national unity, economic independence, and the African solidarity for which Lumumba had advocated, as well as being a terrible blow to the hopes for freedom and material prosperity of millions of Congolese people. In place of this, the country was divided into four parts: the west of the country under the central government of Kinshasa; the north west under a rival central government led by Lumumba partisans; and the mining provinces of Katanga and Sud Kasaï under the secessionist regimes of Moïse Tshombe and Albert Kalonji, at Lumumbashi (Elisabethville) and Mbuji-Mayi (Bakwanga) respectively.

The neo-colonial regime of Kinshasa was born from the dismissal of Lumumba by president Kasavubu in 1960 and the coup d’etat of 14th September by which colonel Joseph-Desiré Mobutu claimed to neutralise both protagonists of the institutional crisis. Based on an obscure article of ‘La Loi Fondamentale’, the temporary constitution bequeathed to Congo by Belgium, this action ran contrary to all the political conventions of a parliamentary system where the prime minister enjoys a majority in parliament. This was the case with Lumumba: the two chambers rejected Kasavubu’s action as invalid. The Western puppet-masters understood then that there would have to be a military intervention to remove Lumumba from power, and Mobutu had already been making preparations to this end from the beginning of the Congolese crisis in July. A former ally of Prime Minister Lumumba, he was at the same time linked to the forces of the counter-revolution as an informer for the Belgian and American security services.

It was this man who became the real master of Kinshasa, in his role as head of the Binza Group. So-labelled because its members lived and met up in the well-off residential district of Binza, this powerful clique drew its power from its members’ influence over crucial institutions and politicians; the army (Mobutu); the police (Victor Nendaka); the ministry of foreign affairs (Justin Bomkoko), the ministry of the interior (Damien Kandolo), the Central Bank (Albert Ndele). These individuals worked in close collaboration with Prime Minister Cyrille Adoula and President Kasavabu, and no important decision could be taken by these last two without the approval of the Binza group, the hub of neocolonialism in Congo.

Patrice4...

The secessions of Katanga and Sud Kasaï

Of these two secessions, that of Sud Kasaï is the lesser-known one yet it also played an important role in the political and physical assassination of Patrice Lumumba. Proclaimed on 8th August 1960 in Lumumbashi, the Sud Kasaï secession forged close links with its Katangan counterpart, siding with the interests of international high finance and the counter-revolution, with La Societé Diamantifère Forminière in Kasaï playing the same role – of money-lender – that the Union Miniere du Haut Katanga (UMHK) played in Katanga. The smaller secession took place as the Lumumba administration was receiving logistical assistance from the Soviet Union in order to fight a war against the secession in Katanga, due to the refusal of UN Secretary General Dag Hammerskjöld to allow the Security Council to perform its remit of helping the Congolese government expel the Belgian forces and white mercenaries and put an end to the secession. The soldiers of the National Congolese Army (ANC) en route to Katanga received the order to put an end to the small secession of Sud Kasaï before crossing the border. Unfortunately, the undisciplined soldiers committed atrocious massacres against innocent civilians, including close to a thousand men, women and children who believed themselves safe from danger in the sanctuary of the Catholic Cathedral of Mbuju-Mayi (today Bakwanga).

Dag Hammarskjöld defined these killings as ‘genocide’ against the Luba and pointed the finger at Prime Minister Lumumba. Aside from the fact that the atrocities committed in Sud Kasaï did not correspond to the definition of genocide in international law, these odious crimes were not the sole responsibility of the head of government, but of the entire chain of command: the superior officers on the ground; the Chief of Staff, Mobutu; Prime Minister Lumumba; and President Kasavubu, in his capacity as supreme commander of the armed forces. As such, neither Hammerskjöld nor Kasavabu had any justification either for accusing Lumumba of genocide, or for illegally dismissing him when the responsibility for this incident was largely a collective one.

The capital of Sud Kasaï would be baptised ‘la boucherie’, because it was the chosen site for the summary execution of Lumumbists whom the neo-colonial regime of Kinshasa wanted to destroy. The most famous among the victims is without doubt Jean-Pierre Finant (1922-61), the first democratically-elected governor of the eastern province, of which Kisangani is the capital. Of mixed Belgo-Congolais descent and father of the famous Congolese singer Abeti Masikini (Betty Finant, 1954-94), he was executed on 17th February 1961, exactly one month after the assassination of Lumumba, with eleven companions, including Jacques Lumbala (a former colleague of Mobutu), Emmanuel Nzuzi and Jacques Fataki. As in the case of Lumumba, who was handed over to Katangan secessionists, the Binza group saw no contradiction between collaborating with the secessionist regimes which it needed to destroy, and assassinating their common enemies, the Lumumbists.

The secession of Sud-Kasaï collapsed through its internal contradictions, mainly due to the struggle for power between Joseph Ngalula and Albert Kalonji, who was proclaimed Mulopwe or emperor of the Luba-Kasaï, a people who had never been under the leadership of a single leader since leaving their ancestral birthplace in Katanga in the 18th century. Having returned to Kinshasa to become minister of education for the central government, Ngalula plotted with the Binza group to destroy Kalonji and bring an end to the secession. This came about in September 1962, following an armed revolt under the direction of Kalonji’s Chief of Staff.

Contrary to the Sud-Kasaï secession, where the internal dimension was as crucial to its failure as it was to its birth; in light of the Lulua-Baluba conflict and its poor management – by first, the Belgians, later, Lumumba – the external factor was a defining one in Katanga. As Jean Ziegler aptly described it in his work La contre revolution en Afrique, in its progression towards the south of the continent, the African national liberation movement hit the wall of counter-revolution, whereby the white colonists, mining companies and their right-wing allies in the West, banded together to defend their privileges. Then, from Katanga to the Cape of Good Hope, the white counter-attack manifested itself in the creation of states controlled by white colonists, either directly, as in the case of South Africa, in Namibia and in the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland, indirectly through the colonial state (Angola and Mozambique), or via a puppet government of paid-up blacks (Katanga). The essential continuity was that all these regimes succeeded in defending and promoting the interests of colonialists and of the corporations that sought to maximise their profits through the exploitation of badly-paid and quiescent labour. In the context of the cold war, the counter-revolution had no problem in inserting itself in the hegemonic discourse of Western values, Christian and democratic, which excluded communism, atheism and authoritarianism.

Well before the Rhodesian colonialist Ian Smith signed his ‘internal settlement’ with Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Pastor Ndabaningi and Chief Jeremiah Chirau in Zimbabwe, another agreement had already been negotiated in Congo, between the Conféderation des associations tribales de Katanga (CONAKAT) of Moïse Tshombe and Godefroid Munongo, the UMHK and the Union Katangaise – an association representing white colonialists – to allow Katanga to secede from Congo and become an independent state. In this sense, CONAKAT was just a way of giving voice to the interests of white colonialists through African mouths. Without the financial support of the UMHK, the military and technical support of Belgium, and the management of administrative and economic structures by the colonialists, Katanga could not survive as a political entity. Moreover, the secession relied on considerable external support; not only from Belgium, but also from France, the United Kingdom, and the US. In the country of Uncle Sam, the Katangan secession enjoyed solid backing in reactionary circles – lobbyists for the cause included influential senators Barry Goldwater of Arizona (a radical conservative), Thomas Dodd of Connecticut (a Democrat reprimanded by the Senate for corruption), and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina (a notorious racist, despite having fathered a daughter with a black woman).

Following on from the assassination of Lumumba, the Katangan lobby in the US and Europe lost its influence with the key deciders such as John F. Kennedy and Paul-Henri Spaak, the Belgian minister of Foreign Affairs. These men understood that in the context of the Cold War, the territorial integrity of Congo was more useful to the West than a secessionist province which would continue to sow dissent across Africa and in the Third World in general, in turn raising difficult questions about the West’s responsibility for the death of Lumumba. Besides, these deciders no longer perceived a great threat to the economic and strategic interests of the West in Central Africa, given the physical elimination of Lumumba and the marginalization of Lumumbists after Lovanium. It is within this context that Kennedy would give the green light for the UN to put an end to the secession with force. Taking place on 29th November 1962, the UN intervention succeeded, with an agreement of capitulation signed by Tshombe on 17 January 1983. Ironically, the restoration of national unity to which Lumumba had given his life was realised by the interests of the imperial powers and their puppets in the neo-colonial regime in Kinshasa.

These efforts succeeded in putting an end to the Lumumbist regime of Kisangani in August 1961, to the secession of Sud-Kasaï in September 1962 and to that of Katanga in January 1963. The end of these three regimes would consecrate the rise of General Mobutu and his clique, the Binza Group.

Lumumba’s Legacy

Hardly had this process of unification finished before a radical social movement pronouncing a ‘second independence’ rose up to contest the neo-colonial state in Kinshasa and its pro-Western leaders. This mass movement brought together peasants, workers, the urban unemployed and students, alongside low and mid-ranking officials, who found an enthusiastic leadership among the former lieutenants of Patrice Lumumba, of which the majority had reformed to create the Conseil National de Libération (CNL) in October 1963 in Brazzaville.

Divided on the field into two wings – the Kwilu front, led by Pierre Mulele, and the Eastern front under Christopher Gbenye, Gaston Soumialot and Laurent-Desiré Kabila – the strengths and weaknesses of the movement can be used to gauge the global heritage of Patrice Lumumba, for Congo and the whole of Africa. The most positive aspect of this legacy is reflected in Pierre Mulele’s dedication to a radical program of change to satisfy the deep aspirations of the Congolese people for democracy and social progress. On the other hand, the Lumumbists of the Eastern front were more interested in power, and the privileges it conferred, than in genuine social change. In the latter case, it was all rhetoric and no action. In effect, the challenge for all those who want to follow in the footsteps of Lumumba is to make the leap from words into action.

A struggle that is far from over…

According to unconfirmed reports, Walter Kansteiner – US Secretary of State for African Affairs under George W. Bush, between June 2001 and November 2003 – designed a plan for the division of Congo into four countries. The justification for such a Balkanisation would be that, in its present dimensions, the country is too large and ungovernable. For the extreme right of the US Republican Party, and those with interests in the resources of tropical Africa – as is the case with the family business W.H Kansteiner, Inc of Chicago – this would facilitate access to resources, and make their transfer to outside markets easier. Besides, if Rwanda and Uganda could play the role of facilitator, why not?

For those nostalgic for the ‘White Man’s Burden’, and their lackeys in Africa, the reality is that their project for the recolonization of Congo will always stumble against the determination of the Congolese people to defend their unity, their national patrimony, and the territorial integrity of their homeland. The legacy of Patrice Lumumba, Pierre Lulele, André Kisase Ngandu and so many other martyrs brings women, men and children to shout “No” to balkanization and “Yes” to a “United Congo, a strong nation.” Just as the progressive leaders of the struggle for independence chanted this slogan on the eve of the achievement of sovereignty – united and nationalistic men and women of integrity – the real children of Lumumba continue to defend, against the odds, the greater interests of the Congolese nation.

Article by Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja

African Proverbs about Children and Parenting

Africa5

“Honor a child and it will honor you.” AFRICA

“A child who asks questions is not stupid.” GHANA

“It takes a whole village to raise a child.” NIGERIA

“Children talk with God.” BOTSWANA

“Let not your growing child hate you.” ETHIOPIA

“Work the clay while it is still wet.” TANZANIA

“Let your child shout but do not shout at it.” NORTH AFRICA

“Do not put fear into a child.” KENYA

“A stray chick is a target for birds of prey.” TANZANIA

“Children with a grandmother lack nothing.” KENYA

“The father is a shield for the family.” ETHIOPIA

“The one who beats children should not be entrusted with children.” UGANDA

“Plants vary according to the quality of the soil.” UGANDA

“A good home makes a good farm.” GHANA

“Family squabbles bring about family disintegration.” GHANA

From Babylon to Timbuktu

Rudolph Windsor in his book From Babylon to Timbuktu: A History of Ancient Black Races including the Black Hebrews presents a thoroughly comprehensive history of the original Jews within the backdrop of ancient History. He traces their origins in Babylon within the loins of their forefather Abraham up to their birth and growth in the land of Canaan all the way up to their final dispersion from Palestine in 70 AD into the greater part of Africa, leading west.

Mr. Windsor exhibits a level of truth-telling that I have only seen in a few books.
He traces the history of the black African Hebrews of Egypt and Ethiopia. We are given lucid glimpses into the Tabiban Kamant and Wasambara Jews who are presently known as the Falashim of Ethiopia. He also takes on intellectual excursions into the backgrounds of the Jews of the Malagasy Republic, which is present day Madagascar. And from there, the reader treks in to the world of the North African Jews to the black Jewish kingdom of Ghana. Out of the Jewish kingdom of Ghana, Windsor relays the interesting story of Eldad the Danite who informed the Algerians of this Hebrew empire south of the Sahara in the western Sudan. Eldad lived in the ninth century. (p. 92)

It was from Windsor’s book that I began to scientifically consider the so-called “black race” originating from Asia and not Africa. He quotes a Herbert Wendt, a white German scholar who asserts, “All indications point to the fact that Asia was the cradle of the Black race.” (p.35) Wendt certainly makes some unsettling conclusions in his book It Began in Babel, another good book that is out-of-print.

Windsor maintains that even the early Talmudic scholars were black, the eminent Moses Maimonides (aka “Rambam”) being one of them. (p. 113) He then turns our attention to the black Jews of Angola known as the Mavumba, the Jews among the Ashanti, the Jews of Dahomey, and the Yoruba Jews of Nigeria. The Yoruba Jews in particular called themselves by the name of “B’nai Ephraim” or “Sons of Ephraim.”(p.131)

Windsor quotes Godbey, “These facts have peculiar significance when the presence of Judaism among American Negroes is to be considered. Hundreds of thousands of slaves were brought to America from this Western Africa during the days of the traffic, beginning nearly four hundred years ago.” He also says: “How much more of Judaism survived among West African Negroes in that earlier time? As persecuted communities, they were rather more in danger than other Negroes of being raided by war parties and sold as slaves. It may be considered certain that many partially (why not fully?, is my question) Judaized Negroes were among the slaves in America. How many of them might still hold some Jewish customs here is another question.” (Godbey, p. 246) It has been postulated by scholars that so-called “African-Americans” are descended from Yorubas.

If Godbey is right about “Judaized Negroes being in the traffic” (and I believe he is), then I am led to entertain that American blacks are descendants from the tribe of Ephraim, which is apart of the House of Joseph, Manasseh comprising the other half. I’m also led to think that they could be of the tribe of Asher, also being possible descendants of the Ashanti, the people of Ashan, which I’m thinking could be a derivative from Asher. Windsor, referencing Nahum Slouschz, says that the Hebrew tribes of Asher and Zebulon were in Carthage since the foundation of the city. (p. 108) Could it be that these Hebrews of Asher and Zebulon made their way to West Africa, as well? It is highly probable. Windsor makes an interesting point when discussing the Jewish expulsion from Spain in 1492: “These black Jews would naturally go to African countries most of all, because of less persecution and they could disguise themselves amongst the blacks.”

Rudolph Windsor offers some interesting causes as to why American blacks are deplorably ignorant of their Hebraic past. The first is “the fall of Hebrew kingdoms.” The second is “the lack of communication with Jewish education centers,” and thirdly, “intense persecution and their deliberate blotting out of the mind their true nationality.” (p. 123)
Windsor examines the causes for the fall of Hebrew kingdoms. He cites a Moroccan Jewish tradition that attributed their decline to epidemics, wars, and frequent conversions to Islam. (p.119) Windsor also explores how some Jews made it to West Africa by a very intriguing route…from Portugal. (p.115) During the Portuguese expulsions, many Jews fled into the West African coast by way of ships. Windsor relates, “As it has been mentioned before, King John of Portugal furnished ships in order to deport the Jews to any country they desired; however, unscrupulous Portuguese captains exacted as much money as they could from the Jews and dumped their human cargo at various places along the west African coast.” (p. 124)

And lastly, Windsor offers some very refreshing hope for the future in this area of research, “Continuous research is needed in African Hebrew History, especially in the excavation of ruined Hebrew cities of Africa. When this gigantic work is completed, I believe the evidence will reveal information that will amaze humanity. It is my sincere belief that a greater number of black Jews were deported to the western coast of Africa than is admitted by some writers.” (p.125)

I believe the denial of “some writers” is modest friendly assessment by Mr. Windsor. I would venture to say that most writers present dubious presentations of African Jews. I would also say that many have dropped the ball in this area and perhaps have been sadly conditioned into accepting that the Ashkenazi type is the genuine pictorial presentation of the modern Jew. It would be short of a miracle if genuine archaeological work was undertaken in this area. However, the Zionist power structure would have a lot to lose if such facts were brought to light.