Terrorism on Black children: Do we need our own Black Militia?

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Did you hear about this?  A fifteen year old black girl was raped on Facebook live!  And people watched this and did nothing!  This is disgusting!  This is heartbreaking to say the least.  Then when you think of the multiple black girls missing in Washington D.C. it makes matters much worse. I know a lot of are frustrated right now.  We have to protect our children at all costs.  They are being kidnapped for organ harvesting or being sex slaves.  The possibilities are endless.  We can’t let our babies be taken like this.  It got me thinking if we need our own black militia groups.  Maybe we need some type of black neighborhood watch across the country.  We actually need it worldwide to be honest.  But we need some type of organization from the grassroots level. And we need to expose any black person helping our enemies hurt our children.  We need a code of conduct of in the black community.  If you harm black children…you deserve DEATH!  Whether you are a black man or woman for that matter.  You are a traitor and must be dealt with harshly.  We need the black warriors to stand up now.  We can’t always rely on the police.  We can give information to authorities if we have it.  But we all know the police come after the fact.  They show up after the incident is over.  Which is we have to do some things on our own.  We need to be properly trained on firearms.  On how to use guns,knives and self defense tactics.  We need our entire families trained in survival.

Cure Racism....

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Do you think it’s important that black people know self defense?  Should it be taught to our children?  Do we need our own black neighborhood watch?  Something needs to be done?  We can’t just stand by and watch our children be raped and killed and do nothing.  We have to protect them no matter what.  Even at the cost of our own lives.  I’m open to any ideas and suggestions.  I would love to hear your thoughts on this urgent issues.

Black Community,Preservation and Empowerment-Amos Wilson

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The African American community must realize that it has the right and duty to defend itself from its criminal elements if the government, to which it pays taxes, and whose officials it helps to elect, fails to do so. The ability of unarmed Black Muslim young men and of other Black community organizations — with or without police support — to successfully neutralize or markedly reduce criminal activity from some African American neighborhoods throughout the U.S.A., demonstrates clearly the African American communities potential for ridding itself of crime if encouraged and organized to do so.

For approximately one-third of what a city like New York City expends to employ its patrol forces, a comparable group of young African American males and females could be trained and stipendiated to patrol and protect their own communities. While White America utilizes its sons and daughters to provide protection for itself (which is the police establishment’s principal function) the African American community is not permitted to exercise that right, hence its occupation by colonial police forces. Policing their communities would provide very valuable opportunities for teaching young African American males that their first duty is the protection of their people against internal and external victimization.

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The opportunity to develop discipline, work habits, appropriate attitudes toward and relationships with authority, to learn to appreciate order, to learn to command as well as to obey, is lost when the African American community is treated as some dependent, defenseless, neocolonial protectorate by the White American-controlled constabulary.

Finally, the fear that African American and the worldwide African communities may develop their own effective internal authority system, their own autonomous afrocentrically based organization, which could place them in the position to challenge the hegemonic White American national and global White American/European socioeconomic systems, motivates those sociopolitical conglomerates to actively oppose any semblance of African American self-determination and self-defense. For when all is told, Black self-defense and self-determination is viewed by Whites as criminal offenses and as threats to White authority.

Thus, in the defense of its authority, the White community promotes the defenselessness of the Black community against its own self-destruction. The African American community — at the expense of having to confront the White American community, the White-dominated police force and criminal justice establishment — must not let this situation continue if it is to survive and prosper.

Prevention of Black-on-Black criminality and violence through more rational law enforcement, through the unbiased execution of appropriate criminal justice procedures and the provision of effective counseling and rehabilitation services, is not the same as the prevention of Black-on-Black criminality and violence through the Afrocentric organization of the African American community. While law enforcement and criminal justice systems may effectively suppress, thwart or correct criminal tendencies, intent, and activity after they occur, and may reduce crime in one area by deflecting it to another, appropriate socialization of children, equitable and fair organization and distribution of national and community resources, the provision of Afrocentric educational training and of equitable occupational opportunities, can suppress and redirect possible criminal tendencies, and activities before they are actualized or can occur.

Crime prevention would then result from internal, personal and communal processes rather than from the exertion of external, alien and ultimately corrupting, constabulary forces. To accomplish this end the African American community must: Recapture its Afrocentric self. For it is with the “splitting off” of the African American ego complex from its African self that the tragic transformation of too many Africans into antisocial personalities begin to take place. Neurotic and psychotic behavior is essentially measured by the degree to which the individual is out of touch with reality; the more out of touch with his sociohistorical reality, the more neurotic, psychotic, maladjusted and/or self-destructive. The African American community must confront and accept the reality of its African cultural origins — and identity. The rejection of this reality is the acceptance of psychopathology.

Rebuild, re-create, and create African based cultural and moral values essential to the regaining the cultural sanity, health, liberation, and survival of the African American and Pan-African communities.

• Build Afrocentric national and international economic, military; technological and political systems not dependent on European consent. African power must originate from the psycho political heart of African peoples.

• Take full responsibility for providing its children with an Afrocentric education based on Afrocentric psychology and pedagogic techniques designed to serve the survival and life-enhancement needs of African peoples. The community must take over caring for the health and welfare of its constituents through the increase and distribution of its own wealth and through the vigorous exertion of its collective political power and influence in the U.S.A. Accepting continuing charity from outsiders corrupts the spirit and health of a people.

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• Take the initiative and responsibility for building and providing adequate housing and employment for its constituents.

• Make one of its central motivating goals the overthrow of European and Eurocentric (and any other ethnocultural group’s), psycho political, psycho cultural, socioeconomic, techno-military, religio-ethical domination of African peoples. This decrees that the African American community envision itself as a people — a nationality — as a nation- within-a-nation, organize and function as such, and relate to the other pluralistic ethnocultural groups as such. For in reality, the African American community is perceived and treated as a separate, outlaw, outcast nation. The refusal to deal with the reality of its separateness and use it to its own advantage, to accept the reality of the pluralistic organization of America society where each ethno cultural group is almost exclusively concerned with its own welfare, entering alliances and coalitions when it is to their advantage to do so, are the sources of the African American communities current negative and frightening vulnerability to alien economic exploitation and to self-destruction. The survival of African American communities cannot continue to be based on the fickle “largesse” and “moral turpitude,” “sympathy,” “empathy” and “brotherly love” of the White American community.

• Take its destiny into its own hands. The African American community must psychosocially be “born again.” It must rehabilitate its incarcerated population and itself by getting to know its true ancient, pre-enslavement, enslavement, and contemporary history; by getting to know the true history and psychology of its oppressors and of other peoples; by getting to know how it was and is created and manipulated in service of Eurocentric and European interests and, conversely, against its own. It must recognize that it is possessed by an antagonistic eurocentrically introjected spirit, a spirit with which it self-destructively identifies and over which it has little or no control, and which directs its collective personality in opposition to its true purpose and character. It must recognize that every thing originates out of a psycho political milieu, possesses psycho political purposes, has psycho political implications, emanations, effects and ramifications. The understanding of these phenomena and their application to the reconstruction of the African American community, to correcting the incarcerated African American population, to the rearing, guidance, education and counseling of African American children, will provide an indestructible foundation upon which African liberation and the liberation of humankind can be re-constructed and realized.

Amos Wilson

Negroes with Guns

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Robert Williams, as an ex-Marine recently discharged from duty, returned to his hometown of Monroe North Carolina at just about the same time as the historic Supreme Court desegregation decision. When he tried to join the local NAACP chapter, he found that it was shrinking rapidly, like many others, because of intimidation from racists enraged by the Supreme Court’s decision. The remaining chapter members elected Williams president and then quit. Within a couple of years of this terrible start, Williams’s chapter had successfully gained the integration of the public library with a hardy fight; other successes were to follow. Instead of relying on the Black middle-class, the traditional members of the NAACP, Williams had recruited heavily the Black poor and working classes. Their chapter quickly gained a reputation of strength and of not relying on standard middle class methods.

Guns have always been common in the South, both Blacks and whites frequently had them and used them. However, organized groups engaging in armed self defense of the Black community were generally rare since Reconstruction. Yet organized armed self defense was one of the main strategies that the Monroe chapter developed in its work. The first major test of this strategy was in the summer of 1957 when a Klu Klux Klan caravan attempted to attack a chapter member’s home. The chapter was prepared and armed, and after a gun battle with no casualties, the Klan fled.

Williams is careful to point out that the Monroe chapter had reputedly requested that the authorities from city to federal level stop the Klan’s intimidation, of course no one acted and the federal government didn’t even respond. He also points out that after the gunfight, the city government moved rapidly to ban any Klan demonstration without a special permit. Williams goes on to say that two weeks later the same Klan group attempted to attack the nearby Lumbee Native American community where they were chased off again by gunfire. This second incident received national attention while the confrontation in Monroe was mostly ignored.

Relations between the Monroe chapter and the middle-class dominated national headquarters of the NAACP had always been tense since Williams joined and this conflict came to a head in 1959. A white man was put on trial for the vicious rape of a Black woman. A white woman testified on the Black woman’s behalf and the Monroe chapter secured a lawyer from New York to help. It was to no avail. A conviction was impossible in the extreme racist atmosphere. Williams relates that many of the Black women demanded to know what the Black community should do now. Before the trial Williams had encouraged the community to use the legal system, but to respond to this pressure and to make sure racists knew it wasn’t going to be open season on Blacks, he released a statement that, among other things, declared “…the Negro in the South can not expect justice in the courts. He must convict his attackers on the spot, he must meet violence with violence…” The statement received national attention and criticism. Roy Wilkins, the head of the NAACP, acted immediately and suspended Williams.

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In spite of controversy, the Monroe chapter continued to have success. They participated in the wave of sit-ins across the South in 1960 to desegregate public facilities. While severe violence occurred in other areas, nothing of the kind occurred in Monroe, which Williams puts to their record of successful self defense. During the campaign to desegregate the Monroe swimming pool, however, racist whites “went wild.” Three different attempts on Williams’s life were made. During one especially harrowing incident a mob formed around Williams’s car after it had just been rammed by a racist’s car. Williams and other NAACP members in the car stood off the mob using guns (several racists also had guns) and even prevented themselves from being disarmed by the local police. The state police finally cleared the mob to prevent a blood bath.

Up to this point in the story, Williams has carefully explained how the intelligent use of self defense has not only saved the lives of many Blacks, but actually prevented much violence from occurring in the first place. In an isolated town where blacks were only a quarter of the population they had matched all the major achievements of the mainstream civil rights movement. Now in 1961, the strategies of the middle-class dominated national movement would be contrasted with that of the Monroe’s local movement in Monroe itself. By this time the Monroe chapter had come up with a series of demands including heavy emphasis on economic demands, which was years ahead of most other groups. The chapter was prepared for long-term struggle but still welcomed help in whatever way it came. Help did come from the “Freedom Ride” campaign. Unfortunately this nationally coordinated campaign did not respect the tactics that the local community had developed. The Freedom Riders, which included many whites, immediately made a public pledge of nonviolence upon arrival. Williams describes how he believes this, and the riders’ passive behavior, was responsible for a dramatic rise in racist attacks including many on the Riders themselves. The descriptions of paternalism from some of the white Freedom Riders are laughable but the descriptions of violence are not. In response to a protest at the courthouse, thousands of racists came from miles around, many of them encouraged to come by local police. This mob was the culmination of a week of threats and beatings. Some of the Freedom Riders were rescued by armed Blacks in cars, others were beaten and arrested. The mob proceeded to attack any Blacks they could find and when night came, racists began attacking the Black section of town. Again, armed Blacks held off white attacks. Williams, however, received phoned death threats from the police chief and decided to leave town to get help. Shortly afterwards, he learned of his indictment on trumped up charges and fled to Canada and then Cuba.

Cuba gave Williams a base from which to publish his newsletter, “The Crusader,” and organized world-wide support for other Blacks framed up on racist charges in Monroe and elsewhere. He also pushed for the building of links between Blacks in the U.S., and people of color throughout the world. This anti-imperialist position was, like many of Williams’s other positions, ahead of its time. Several years later, Williams returned to the U.S. and helped to found the Republic of New Afrika, which incorporated his self defense theories from the start.

The accepted version, even among many radicals, of the history of the Black liberation movement of the sixties is that non-violence worked against blatantly racist Jim Crow laws in the South, but were inadequate to deal with the deeper, more subtle economic inequalities in the North, where frustrated Blacks turned to organizers like the Black Panthers. The truth which “Negroes with Guns” help shows is that non-violence, by itself, wasn’t even adequate against Jim Crow.

Other histories of the civil rights struggle support this alternative view. In “Struggle” by Clayborn Carson, an acclaimed history of SNCC (Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee), Carson states, “the relative paucity of violence in some communities was attributed by SNCC workers not to the Federal presence, but to the willingness of Black to arm themselves.” In 1965, on the civil rights march through Mississippi, armed guard was provided by the Deacons For Defense, a Black self defense group. Even Martin Luther King, a participant, consented to this when it was clear that self defense was what marchers wanted. Possibly the best example was the Lowndes County Freedom Organization, in Alabama. Their militant armed stance and symbol – the black panther – served as direct inspiration for California’s Black Panther Party for Self Defense.

Neither Robert Williams nor the organizations listed above confused legal armed self defense with armed insurrection or guerrilla struggle. All supported mass organizing of all kinds, including non-violent civil disobedience. However they believed they could not trust authorities and recognized that the discipline and pride that came from effective self defense was essential in all levels of struggle. It is possible though, that many of these activists believed that offensive armed action would be needed someday and they would be better prepared than most. Williams in particular, who traveled to Cuba as early as 1960, was probably weighing these possibilities.

Increasingly, many today feel the same way. Once again, grotesque racist murders by police and racists are in the news along with Black organizations proclaiming their right to armed self defense. Sadly, the response by liberals is often the same as it was in 1960, declaring self defense to be “proactive” and “divisive”. these are easy statements to make from a position of privilege, but the facts show, that right wing violence is rising across the board. Anti-abortion violence, homophobic violence and violence against immigrants is chronic and the state, as it always will, fails to provide adequate protection. When this is the situation, armed self defense must be at least part of the discussion of how to respond. For this reason, “Negroes with Guns” is required reading for all progressive and revolutionary activists.