Are Europeans a virus on the planet?

This is a very powerful scene.  It’s from the show Dinner in America. It’s not very often you hear this type of truth on television or film .But it does make me wonder about how whites operate on this planet.  They don’t seem to be able to get along with other races very well.  They have committed genocide and enslaved millions of people.  Pretty much everywhere they go.  Why is there behavior this way?  Are they some type of virus?  Are they a disease?  I’d like some feedback from my subscribers.

Lynchings1....jpg

This is an old picture.  I think somewhere between 1910-1920.  It is a horrifying sight.  It is a group of white men preparing to lynch a little black boy. This is pure EVIL.  Only a savage animal would do such a thing!

How sick is this?  This video shows Europeans putting Africans in zoos.This proves they see us as animals. Can you show me evidence of blacks putting whites in zoos?  I think not.  But we are the savages right?  We are the inferior ones right? This is beyond disgusting!

Lynching1....jpg

Lynch....jpg

cave-people

white-crimes

When white people talk about their contributions to society they always bring up white inventors.  They like to say that the it would be a horrible world without them.  Well I’d like to show a list of some of their other contributions to society.

  1. Cherokee Trail of Tears
  2. Japanese American Internment
  3. Phillipine-American war
  4. Jim Crow
  5. The Genocide of Native Americans
  6. The Trans-atlantic slave trade
  7. The Middle Passage
  8. The history of white American racism
  9. Black Codes
  10. Slave patrols
  11. Klu Klax Klan
  12. The war on drugs
  13. Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
  14. How white racism grew out of slavery and genocide
  15. How white people still benefit from slavery and genocide
  16. White anti-racism
  17. The southern strategy
  18. The rape of enslaved black women
  19. Madison Grant
  20. the Indian wars
  21. human zoos
  22. how the Jews became white
  23. white flight
  24. Red lining
  25. Proposition 14
  26. Homestead act
  27. Tulsa Riots
  28. Rosewood massacre
  29. Tuskegee experiment
  30. Lynching
  31. Hollywood stereotypes
  32. Indian appropriation acts
  33. Immigration act 1924
  34. Sundown towns
  35. Chinese exclusion act
  36. Emmet Till
  37. Vincent Chin
  38. Islamaphobia
  39. Indian boarding schools
  40. King Phillip’s war
  41. Bacon’s Rebellion
  42. American slavery compared to Arab, Roman and Latin American slavery
  43. History of the gun
  44. History of the police
  45. History of prisons
  46. History of white suburbia
  47. Lincoln’s racism and anti-racism
  48. George Wallace Governor of Alabama
  49. Cointelpro
  50. Real estate steering
  51. School tracking
  52. Mass incarceration of Black men
  53. Boston school riots
  54. Man-made Ebola and AIDs
  55. Church bombs and fires in deep south to Blacks
  56. Church shootings
  57. How the Irish and Italians became white
  58. The perpetuation of the idea of the ‘model minority’
  59. Housing discrimination
  60. Systemeatic placement of highways and building projects to create ghettoes
  61. Medical experimentation on poor, especially Blacks including surgical and genealogical experimentation
  62. History of planned parenthood
  63. Forced Sterilization
  64. Cutting children out of pregnant Black mothers as part of lynching
  65. Eurocentric beauty standard falsification
  66. Erasure and eradication of all achievements of Ancient Africa and Kemet
  67. White washing of history and cultural practices

Very disturbing in my opinion.  So..what do you think?

 

Patrice Lumumba- Congolese Warrior

Patrice1...

During his exile in the 1980s, Mr Holden Roberto – president of the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) – and one of his collaborators, visited me in my office at Howard University in Washington. In order to counter accusations (incidentally well-founded) levelled at his party, of colluding with American imperialism and selling out on their commitment to Pan-Africanism, my two visitors began by reciting in its entirety Patrice Emery Lumumba’s famous speech at the Congolese independence ceremony on 30th June 1960. This gesture – which strongly affected me – shows the attachment you still find across the whole African continent, even among its lost sheep, for this martyr for African nationalism and the struggles of oppressed peoples all over the world.

Rare are the African countries where one does not find streets, even main roads, named after Lumumba. Many African children born after his assassination have ‘Lumumba’ as their forename. The former executive secretary of the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (2002-5) and president of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (2010-11) is called Patrick Lumumba, and his passion for change and eloquence recalls those qualities in his namesake.

These two references to the political heritage of Lumumba show how the assassination of this great African leader resonated – and continues to resonate – with Africans. In his excellent book, The Assassination of Lumumba, Belgian sociologist Ludo de Witte shows the significance of this particular assassination in the history of Western tactics against the anti-imperialist revolutions of the 20th Century – from Mossadegh’s Iran to Nasserist Egypt, Castro’s Cuba, Lumumba’s Congo and Sankara’s Burkina Faso.

It is in this context – the struggle between the interests of the international bourgeoisie and those of the popular masses – that we must understand the factors contributing to Lumumba’s assassination, its political consequences for Congo, and the place of this Congolese hero in the pantheon of universal defenders of the emancipation of peoples.

The assassination of Lumumba was the outcome of two conspiracies closely bound together with the American and Belgian governments, which relied on the complicity of certain Congolese leaders and a Belgian firing squad composed of soldiers and policemen under the Katanga puppet regime.

Patrice3...

Patrice Lumumba – the man and his political project

Who is Patrice Lumumba, and why was he so violently assassinated by the forces of counter-revolution? Born on 2nd July 1925 in Onalua, a small village in the region of Katako-Kombe, Lumumba received his education at primary school as well as among Belgian Catholic missionaries at Tshumbe Sainte-Marie and the famous Methodist mission in Wembo Nyama. He was not appreciated there, neither among the representatives of the colonial trinity (the State, big business, the Catholic Church) nor by the American missionaries – themselves fervent believers in the ideology of white supremacy prevalent in the Southern states of the USA, and too weak to contest colonial repression. An intellectually precocious pupil who rebelled against the thundering paternalism of the missionaries, the young Lumumba decided to leave Sankuru in 1944 without obtaining his certificate of study in order to spread his wings elsewhere. After several months in the region of Kindu, he would go on to pursue a career as a bureaucrat in Kisangani (then Stanleyville). It was during this long stay at Kisangani (1944-57) that Lumumba developed his characteristic traits; moral and intellectual integrity, immovability on points of principle, and exceptional bravery even in the face of death. As one of the members of the firing squad which killed him recalled, Lumumba maintained a glacial calm in front of the executioners.

At Kisangani, Lumumba distinguished himself as president, vice president, or secretary, of at least seven organisations of Congolese évolués – literally meaning ‘evolved people’, this term was used by the Belgian colonial establishment to distinguish a class of ‘Westernised’ blacks. An autodidact, with the exception of a year of professional training at the École Postale in Kinshasa (then Leopoldville), he succeeded in acquiring immense knowledge about the contemporary world through extensive, self-guided reading on politics and history. According to Thomas Kanza, his collaborator and biographer, Lumumba ‘read all that fell into his hands’. As leader, he was a convincing and effective representative for the Kisangani evolués, liaising with the governor of the province, the Belgian minister of the colonies, Auguste Buisseret, and the young king, Baudouin I, during his first visit to Congo in 1955. Still a believer in the idea of the Belgo-Congolese community, promulgated by amicales belgo-congolais, clubs comprising evolués and those Belgians open to a gradual process of integration, Lumumba was invited to Belgium for the first time in 1956.

Fearing his perspicacity and well-founded criticisms of colonial racism, the colonial authorities welcomed his return from Brussels with a charge of tax avoidance, followed by a sentence of two years in prison by a trial court in Kisangani. The public prosecutor, judging this punishment insufficient, made an appeal, but the court of appeal in Kinshasa confirmed the sentence of two years. This punishment was reduced to four months, which he had already served in preventative detention, followed by a royal order granting grace, signed on 27th August 1957.

If Kisangani had given him the political apprenticeship he needed to master the mysteries of organisation and political practice, these two experiences of Kinshasa, of the École Postale and his incarceration, contributed in a decisive way to the awakening of his political consciousness. During his training in postal service administration in 1948, Lumumba made a short visit to Brazzaville, on the right bank of the River Congo opposite Kinshasa. Thirsty from walking, he stopped outside a café with the hope of finding a waiter who would give him a glass of water. To his surprise, it was the European café patron who noticed him, and invited him to sit where the whites were seated and brought him, not tap water, but mineral water. For the sociologist Pierre Clément – for whom he would work as a research assistant four years later –here was the first time that Lumumba realised that another world was possible, habituated as he was to the system of apartheid practised in Belgian Congo. Reinvigorated by the model of assimilation among the French in Congo-Brazzaville – though the ‘card of civic merit’ in 1948 and formal registration in 1952 did not succeed in guaranteeing equality of access to jobs, medical treatment, housing, social services and recreation – an évolué Lumumba felt his long-cowed spirit emboldened enough to dream of a more beautiful country than Belgian Congo.

This dream of radical change would reinforce itself further during his months of incarceration, during which Lumumba had the occasion to lead a serious reflection on the future of Congo and to read the famous ‘Plan de trente ans pour l’émancipation politique de l’Afrique belge’ by A.A.J Van Bilsen, a little known professor at the Colonial University of Anvers, together with the two Congolese reactions to this document: first, ‘Manifeste de la Conscience Africaine’, the work of a group of catholic intellectuals represented by Joseph Ileo, Joseph Malula (future cardinal) and Joseph Ngalula; second, the counter-manifesto by l’Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), an ethnic association led by Joseph Kasavubu. After leaving prison, Lumumba installed himself in Kinshasa where, from 1957, he launched himself into the political struggle. Joining up with Ileo and Ngalula, he succeeded, in October 1958, in taking the leadership of the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC), a political organisation started up with the intention of eventually becoming a credible political party at the national level.

By a happy confluence of circumstances, the year 1958 ended with the emergence of Patrice Lumumba as one of the principal leaders in the struggle for independence. The turning point was the visit to Kinshasa by two east African leaders on their way to the first ‘Conference des peuples Africains’, held in Accra between the 5th and 13th December 1958. Concerned that a large country like Congo risked missing out on this great African rendez-vous, A.R. Mohamed Babu of Zanzibar and Tom Mboya of Kenya asked a hotel worker where they could find the political leaders of the emerging independence movement. The worker in question was very happy to bring about a meeting with Patrice Lumumba, then the commercial director of the Brasserie du Bas-Congo (Bracongo), which produced the beer Polar. Lumumba often offered this to clients, ostensibly for promotional purposes but often using this as an opportunity to awaken the clients’ political consciousness. Babu and Mboya were so impressed by Lumumba that they sent a telegram to the Pan African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA) asking for money to bring a Congolese delegation to Accra.

And so Patrice Lumumba, Gaston Diami and Joseph Ngalula accompanied Babu and Mboya to Accra, where Lumumba attracted the notice of the delegates at the conference, which brought together representatives from the 8 independent countries (Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia) and those of the political parties, trade unions and other organisations of the civil society of the Pan-African world. There he met the leaders of national liberation movements such as Félix-Roland Moumié of the Union des Populations de Cameroun (UPC), Frantz Fanon of the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) of Algeria, and Amilcar Cabral of the Parti Africain pour L’independence de Guinéeet du Cap Vert (PAIGC), and he established strong working relationships with some great African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Modibo Keita and Ahmed Sékou Touré.

On his return to Kinshasa, Lumumba organized a popular demonstration on Sunday 28th December to inform the Congolese population of the resolutions of the Accra conference and their implications for the independence movement in Congo. Following the refusal by the first Belgian mayor of Kinshasa to allow ABAKO to hold a similar meeting the following Sunday, 4th January 1959, the population of Kinshasa rose in a three-day rebellion which sounded the death knell for the Belgian colonial regime in Congo. “Indépendance immediate”, the slogan of protestors, became a non-negotiable demand in the struggle of the Congolese people for their total freedom. Instead of the thirty years suggested by Van Bilsen in 1956, independence was obtained in four. The mobilisation of the population by radical political parties like ABAKA and MNC-L was responsible for the erosion of legitimacy, as much as the repressive abilities, of the colonial regime. Lumumba benefited from this new situation by placing the MNC-L throughout all the provinces of the country, to the point that his party became the spearhead of the Congolese independence struggle.

BELGIUM LUMUMBA

The assassination of Lumumba        

For more than 128 years, the US and Belgium played key roles in fashioning the destiny of the Congo. In April 1884, seven months after the opening of Congress in Berlin, the US became the first country in the world to recognise the claims of King Leopold of Belgium to the Congo basin territories. When the atrocities linked to the brutal economic exploitation of Congo led to millions of deaths, the US joined with other global powers to force Belgium to put an end to the status of Congo as a personal possession of King Leopold II and to give it the status of an ordinary colony. During the colonial period (1908- 60), the US saw Congo’s strategic advantage due to its abundant natural resources, above all its uranium, which was used to created the first atomic weapons, the bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

With the launching of the Cold War, it was inevitable that Washington and her Western allies would not be disposed to give Africans control over their own strategically valuable natural resources, for fear that they would fall into the hands of their Soviet enemies. Because of this, Patrice Lumumba’s attempt to secure an authentic independence and to obtain effective control over the resources of Congo, with the aim of improving the living standards of our people, was seen as a threat to Western interests. In their fight against him, Washington and Brussels used all the tools and resources at their disposal, including the United Nations under Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld and his U.S. assistant Ralph Bunche, Lumumba’s Congolese political enemies, and his assassins.

In Congo, the assassination of Lumumba is, for good reason, considered the ‘original sin’ of the country. Occurring less than seven months after independence (30th June 1960), it was a stumbling block for ideals of national unity, economic independence, and the African solidarity for which Lumumba had advocated, as well as being a terrible blow to the hopes for freedom and material prosperity of millions of Congolese people. In place of this, the country was divided into four parts: the west of the country under the central government of Kinshasa; the north west under a rival central government led by Lumumba partisans; and the mining provinces of Katanga and Sud Kasaï under the secessionist regimes of Moïse Tshombe and Albert Kalonji, at Lumumbashi (Elisabethville) and Mbuji-Mayi (Bakwanga) respectively.

The neo-colonial regime of Kinshasa was born from the dismissal of Lumumba by president Kasavubu in 1960 and the coup d’etat of 14th September by which colonel Joseph-Desiré Mobutu claimed to neutralise both protagonists of the institutional crisis. Based on an obscure article of ‘La Loi Fondamentale’, the temporary constitution bequeathed to Congo by Belgium, this action ran contrary to all the political conventions of a parliamentary system where the prime minister enjoys a majority in parliament. This was the case with Lumumba: the two chambers rejected Kasavubu’s action as invalid. The Western puppet-masters understood then that there would have to be a military intervention to remove Lumumba from power, and Mobutu had already been making preparations to this end from the beginning of the Congolese crisis in July. A former ally of Prime Minister Lumumba, he was at the same time linked to the forces of the counter-revolution as an informer for the Belgian and American security services.

It was this man who became the real master of Kinshasa, in his role as head of the Binza Group. So-labelled because its members lived and met up in the well-off residential district of Binza, this powerful clique drew its power from its members’ influence over crucial institutions and politicians; the army (Mobutu); the police (Victor Nendaka); the ministry of foreign affairs (Justin Bomkoko), the ministry of the interior (Damien Kandolo), the Central Bank (Albert Ndele). These individuals worked in close collaboration with Prime Minister Cyrille Adoula and President Kasavabu, and no important decision could be taken by these last two without the approval of the Binza group, the hub of neocolonialism in Congo.

Patrice4...

The secessions of Katanga and Sud Kasaï

Of these two secessions, that of Sud Kasaï is the lesser-known one yet it also played an important role in the political and physical assassination of Patrice Lumumba. Proclaimed on 8th August 1960 in Lumumbashi, the Sud Kasaï secession forged close links with its Katangan counterpart, siding with the interests of international high finance and the counter-revolution, with La Societé Diamantifère Forminière in Kasaï playing the same role – of money-lender – that the Union Miniere du Haut Katanga (UMHK) played in Katanga. The smaller secession took place as the Lumumba administration was receiving logistical assistance from the Soviet Union in order to fight a war against the secession in Katanga, due to the refusal of UN Secretary General Dag Hammerskjöld to allow the Security Council to perform its remit of helping the Congolese government expel the Belgian forces and white mercenaries and put an end to the secession. The soldiers of the National Congolese Army (ANC) en route to Katanga received the order to put an end to the small secession of Sud Kasaï before crossing the border. Unfortunately, the undisciplined soldiers committed atrocious massacres against innocent civilians, including close to a thousand men, women and children who believed themselves safe from danger in the sanctuary of the Catholic Cathedral of Mbuju-Mayi (today Bakwanga).

Dag Hammarskjöld defined these killings as ‘genocide’ against the Luba and pointed the finger at Prime Minister Lumumba. Aside from the fact that the atrocities committed in Sud Kasaï did not correspond to the definition of genocide in international law, these odious crimes were not the sole responsibility of the head of government, but of the entire chain of command: the superior officers on the ground; the Chief of Staff, Mobutu; Prime Minister Lumumba; and President Kasavubu, in his capacity as supreme commander of the armed forces. As such, neither Hammerskjöld nor Kasavabu had any justification either for accusing Lumumba of genocide, or for illegally dismissing him when the responsibility for this incident was largely a collective one.

The capital of Sud Kasaï would be baptised ‘la boucherie’, because it was the chosen site for the summary execution of Lumumbists whom the neo-colonial regime of Kinshasa wanted to destroy. The most famous among the victims is without doubt Jean-Pierre Finant (1922-61), the first democratically-elected governor of the eastern province, of which Kisangani is the capital. Of mixed Belgo-Congolais descent and father of the famous Congolese singer Abeti Masikini (Betty Finant, 1954-94), he was executed on 17th February 1961, exactly one month after the assassination of Lumumba, with eleven companions, including Jacques Lumbala (a former colleague of Mobutu), Emmanuel Nzuzi and Jacques Fataki. As in the case of Lumumba, who was handed over to Katangan secessionists, the Binza group saw no contradiction between collaborating with the secessionist regimes which it needed to destroy, and assassinating their common enemies, the Lumumbists.

The secession of Sud-Kasaï collapsed through its internal contradictions, mainly due to the struggle for power between Joseph Ngalula and Albert Kalonji, who was proclaimed Mulopwe or emperor of the Luba-Kasaï, a people who had never been under the leadership of a single leader since leaving their ancestral birthplace in Katanga in the 18th century. Having returned to Kinshasa to become minister of education for the central government, Ngalula plotted with the Binza group to destroy Kalonji and bring an end to the secession. This came about in September 1962, following an armed revolt under the direction of Kalonji’s Chief of Staff.

Contrary to the Sud-Kasaï secession, where the internal dimension was as crucial to its failure as it was to its birth; in light of the Lulua-Baluba conflict and its poor management – by first, the Belgians, later, Lumumba – the external factor was a defining one in Katanga. As Jean Ziegler aptly described it in his work La contre revolution en Afrique, in its progression towards the south of the continent, the African national liberation movement hit the wall of counter-revolution, whereby the white colonists, mining companies and their right-wing allies in the West, banded together to defend their privileges. Then, from Katanga to the Cape of Good Hope, the white counter-attack manifested itself in the creation of states controlled by white colonists, either directly, as in the case of South Africa, in Namibia and in the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland, indirectly through the colonial state (Angola and Mozambique), or via a puppet government of paid-up blacks (Katanga). The essential continuity was that all these regimes succeeded in defending and promoting the interests of colonialists and of the corporations that sought to maximise their profits through the exploitation of badly-paid and quiescent labour. In the context of the cold war, the counter-revolution had no problem in inserting itself in the hegemonic discourse of Western values, Christian and democratic, which excluded communism, atheism and authoritarianism.

Well before the Rhodesian colonialist Ian Smith signed his ‘internal settlement’ with Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Pastor Ndabaningi and Chief Jeremiah Chirau in Zimbabwe, another agreement had already been negotiated in Congo, between the Conféderation des associations tribales de Katanga (CONAKAT) of Moïse Tshombe and Godefroid Munongo, the UMHK and the Union Katangaise – an association representing white colonialists – to allow Katanga to secede from Congo and become an independent state. In this sense, CONAKAT was just a way of giving voice to the interests of white colonialists through African mouths. Without the financial support of the UMHK, the military and technical support of Belgium, and the management of administrative and economic structures by the colonialists, Katanga could not survive as a political entity. Moreover, the secession relied on considerable external support; not only from Belgium, but also from France, the United Kingdom, and the US. In the country of Uncle Sam, the Katangan secession enjoyed solid backing in reactionary circles – lobbyists for the cause included influential senators Barry Goldwater of Arizona (a radical conservative), Thomas Dodd of Connecticut (a Democrat reprimanded by the Senate for corruption), and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina (a notorious racist, despite having fathered a daughter with a black woman).

Following on from the assassination of Lumumba, the Katangan lobby in the US and Europe lost its influence with the key deciders such as John F. Kennedy and Paul-Henri Spaak, the Belgian minister of Foreign Affairs. These men understood that in the context of the Cold War, the territorial integrity of Congo was more useful to the West than a secessionist province which would continue to sow dissent across Africa and in the Third World in general, in turn raising difficult questions about the West’s responsibility for the death of Lumumba. Besides, these deciders no longer perceived a great threat to the economic and strategic interests of the West in Central Africa, given the physical elimination of Lumumba and the marginalization of Lumumbists after Lovanium. It is within this context that Kennedy would give the green light for the UN to put an end to the secession with force. Taking place on 29th November 1962, the UN intervention succeeded, with an agreement of capitulation signed by Tshombe on 17 January 1983. Ironically, the restoration of national unity to which Lumumba had given his life was realised by the interests of the imperial powers and their puppets in the neo-colonial regime in Kinshasa.

These efforts succeeded in putting an end to the Lumumbist regime of Kisangani in August 1961, to the secession of Sud-Kasaï in September 1962 and to that of Katanga in January 1963. The end of these three regimes would consecrate the rise of General Mobutu and his clique, the Binza Group.

Lumumba’s Legacy

Hardly had this process of unification finished before a radical social movement pronouncing a ‘second independence’ rose up to contest the neo-colonial state in Kinshasa and its pro-Western leaders. This mass movement brought together peasants, workers, the urban unemployed and students, alongside low and mid-ranking officials, who found an enthusiastic leadership among the former lieutenants of Patrice Lumumba, of which the majority had reformed to create the Conseil National de Libération (CNL) in October 1963 in Brazzaville.

Divided on the field into two wings – the Kwilu front, led by Pierre Mulele, and the Eastern front under Christopher Gbenye, Gaston Soumialot and Laurent-Desiré Kabila – the strengths and weaknesses of the movement can be used to gauge the global heritage of Patrice Lumumba, for Congo and the whole of Africa. The most positive aspect of this legacy is reflected in Pierre Mulele’s dedication to a radical program of change to satisfy the deep aspirations of the Congolese people for democracy and social progress. On the other hand, the Lumumbists of the Eastern front were more interested in power, and the privileges it conferred, than in genuine social change. In the latter case, it was all rhetoric and no action. In effect, the challenge for all those who want to follow in the footsteps of Lumumba is to make the leap from words into action.

A struggle that is far from over…

According to unconfirmed reports, Walter Kansteiner – US Secretary of State for African Affairs under George W. Bush, between June 2001 and November 2003 – designed a plan for the division of Congo into four countries. The justification for such a Balkanisation would be that, in its present dimensions, the country is too large and ungovernable. For the extreme right of the US Republican Party, and those with interests in the resources of tropical Africa – as is the case with the family business W.H Kansteiner, Inc of Chicago – this would facilitate access to resources, and make their transfer to outside markets easier. Besides, if Rwanda and Uganda could play the role of facilitator, why not?

For those nostalgic for the ‘White Man’s Burden’, and their lackeys in Africa, the reality is that their project for the recolonization of Congo will always stumble against the determination of the Congolese people to defend their unity, their national patrimony, and the territorial integrity of their homeland. The legacy of Patrice Lumumba, Pierre Lulele, André Kisase Ngandu and so many other martyrs brings women, men and children to shout “No” to balkanization and “Yes” to a “United Congo, a strong nation.” Just as the progressive leaders of the struggle for independence chanted this slogan on the eve of the achievement of sovereignty – united and nationalistic men and women of integrity – the real children of Lumumba continue to defend, against the odds, the greater interests of the Congolese nation.

Article by Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja

The Fail of Modern Civilization in Afrika

African people..

Civilization, according to modern definition, is the stage of human social development and organization that is considered most advanced. People, today, often equate things like the modern railroad, tel-LIE-vision or even social media, with progress and with civilization”. Academicians, politicians and social scientists, ascribe human development to advancement in many areas that tend to meet the ever changing standard of civilization, based on what you have materially and what can give you material comfort, as opposed to what gives you intrinsic comfort. What gives you the kind of purpose that satisfies your basic emotional and spiritual needs. Many, whether those practicing reLIEgion or not, have difficulty in explaining what the spirit really means, in a way that encompass, people from all societies, ideologies and view point. So the big headed scientists in the ivory towers of academia, use terms like progress, enlightenment, culture, refinement, sophistication, to fool us into beLIEving that civilization is a measure of what we build, own or posses, instead of what or who we are in relations to nature and natures laws. In the worldview of the west, they and all that they deem admirable are seen as  “a higher stage of civilization”, where anything not of western (white) imagery, creation or stamp of approval is deemed primitive and unsophisticated.

Africa Colonization

Note: interesting enough, one classic example of “civilization” is the acquirement of or increased knowledge. Yet the knowing of things, that can be found in a book(s) or through social media is literally non existent, because the deep extensive knowledge that can inform, from these mediums have been exchanged for superficial ones. Take for instance the word sophisticate: ” Is to make (someone or something) more sophisticated ( redundant here, because sophistication has not been defined). Or a person with much worldly experience and knowledge of fashion and culture. in the book Sugar Blues, Author William Duffy, details society’s addiction to the most explosive poison in the 20th century. SUGAR!. In the book he mentions also, that the term sophistication came about when peasants, objecting to the nobility’s penchant for sugaring, bread, cakes and adult beverages, would disparagingly call it sophistication….to separate the corrupted nobility from the honest peasants. in other words adding a poisonous ingredient to an already acceptable and purer batch!

Even still, modern sophistication and civilization is the process by which a society or place reaches an advanced stage of social development and organization. How then is it that current civilization, based on the western model, whether Capitalism, socialism or Communism, can still have massive break down in various societies. Modern western society is now the gold standard for civilized behavior, yet  at the same time it exemplify the worst in excess around sex, drugs and all manner of debauchery. In Afrika, as in the Afrikan diaspora, modern civilization, that is considered superior to what many archaeologist and anthropologists have recorded as, materially different ( not worse) and simple, in ancient times, compared to now has failed in adding value to people’s lives outside of materialism. Why has modern/western civilization failed to make much of an inroad into the quality of Life of the lives of the Afrikans?

It seems as if the more we interact with the European, the further we are removed from our natural state. And the further we are removed from our natural state, the less hue-man we have become. Every culture is governed by what is called a paradigm. A paradigm is a a typical example or pattern of something; a model by which we can identify a particular culture. in the beginning there was one culture. The Afrikan culture. The Afrika cultural paradigm was/is about group associations or relationships. In that very sense, what affects one, affects all associated in the group and has a profound effect on ones relationship to ones ancestors and even ones surrounding. Thus in Afrikan culture, laws like the 42 negative confessions, are guidelines that reinforces the Afrikan paradigm model.

Africa Then..

As Afrikan population and culture began to grow from its initial size, migration and emigration became a reality through curiosity or necessity. Eventuality those who emigrated or migrated away from the Afrikan physical center, soon attempted to re-integrate physically, but without the same cultural or spiritual overstanding of association, relationships or laws. When the Asiatics, the environmentally created progeny of the emigrated, who were the first to try and re-integrate back into Afrika, found that water and oil don’t mix, they sought then to interfere with the more civilized culture of the Kimityu. This caused numerous wars of conquest, reconquest and further displacements. The next wave of people who tried to reintegrate back into the Afrikan center, but like the first, on their own terms, the Eurasians ( western Asians or Europeans) in the form of the Hyksos, eventually triggered more wars of conquest and reconquest which lead to the kind of soul searching that the original people on the planet never thought they had to deal with.

Lacking the kind of aggressive and violent energy to constantly be at war with the Hyksos and Asiatics, the Afrikans decided to teach the Asians and Eurasians how to associate and relate to others in what is now seen as a fruitless attempt to reintegrate them back into the fold of hue-manity. Unfortunately culture is what you do. It becomes who you are and who you are is dictated by your environment. Like the harsh freezing conditions of the Steppes of Asia or the caves and mountains of the Caucus regions. Modern scientist have stated that negativity, just like positivity is passed down through your DNA and through your sperm and or eggs. They postulated that once reinforced, these traumas become who you are, especially if augmented by additional trauma in your immediate surroundings.

After centuries of invasions, wars, cultural misappropriations and loss of the values that once made Afrika the beacon of light and a lightening rod of jealousy, the children of Afrika was forced into a cultural paradigm not of their choosing and not to their benefit. We thus have developed a disassociated spirit, where the disconnection or separation from who we are as Afrikan has reduced us to a savage like state. A perfect imitation of those we have grown to emulate, yet without the necessary emotional context or even DNA state, to sustain it. The result is an Afrika and an Afrikan diaspora, where vices and violence is barely covered up, or appear to even be of interest to those mostly affected by it.

Africa Now..

Rest assured that the same vices and violence that afflict Afrika, came from the mountains of the Caucuses and the Steppes of Asia has similar impact on the lives of those originators of the mindless violence and vices we see today. They however, are acting in their cultural paradigm. individualism, competitiveness and violence as a communication mode.Like the mindless drone like attributes of the Asian group think, and scavenger like interaction with the land and nature of Asia. All these shows they are more comfortable in their paradigm. But we are not, and thus the relating disassociation has lead us to a cognitive imbalance, affecting body, mind and soul. The body, mind and soul are the three things that ALL Afrikans consider interchangeable. Whether they can articulate it or not. Its in the DNA, but is subsumed by the environment of foreign conditioning.

This we come to, is how modern civilization has failed Afrika. Let’s overstand that the cave savage, will be his savage self, because it is his nature. His truest nature. he was the one who divided and destroyed Afrikan culture from without, but before it was destroyed from with out, it had to have already become decayed from within. We allowed lesser beings to interact with us on a level where they stole our cultural birthright. Stole our enlightenment. And stole our values. It was not enough that we taught them how to walk upright. How not to savage each other. We also interbred with them, hoping that our seed could be the balm to their more savage nature.

The main thing that started Afrika on that slippery slop into destruction and eventually regression is the (a) same thing that made us achieve great things. Our compassion. We felt compelled, due to our association with the universe to re-incorporate people, that showed us they are disagreeable to be around. (b) The need for some lesser leaders of integrity to show off to foreigners. Dr. Claude Anderson talks about this in his lecture and book of the same name…inappropriate behaviour. (c) the Two different, yet similar types of Ma’afa’s from the Christians of Europe and the Muslims of Arabia, not only  devastated millions of people, but recreated a brand new type of entity on the planet. The kneegrow. Slavery and enslavement was a part of hue-man and savage history and ourstory. However the kind of slavery that was enacted secularly and reLIEgiously against one set of people, the Afrikan, was and still remains a unique experience on the planet. Out of this the modern kneegrow was born. The modern kneegrow is a manufactured being, created in the mind of his oppressor, with the explicit purpose to make the once civilized beings a thing not worth much.

Today, despite what intellectuals, reLIEgious and or academicians state the Afrikan world is less civilized than in pre-colonial Afrika. We may be more sophisticated, however we lack the very thing that was stated, which are demarcations of a high culture. How women, children and the environment is treated. Scientist, social scientist, psychologists…all have mentioned that the an abused will take on the abusers mentality. But not having the personality of the abuser, ends up a more macabre version of the abuser. This is the cognoscente deficiency of the Afrikan man taking on a western social behavior. And this is how and why modern civilization has failed Afrika. The only way we can ever attain equilibrium, is to throw off the inflamed shirt of western civilization and become Afrikan once again. The current path Afrika and Afrikans across the planet are traveling, puts us at a disadvantage, where those who should be our supplicants have become dispensers of our pain, our failures and our eventual destruction.

 

 

 

Ajua Luv

Ajua Luv

This beautiful woman is Ajua Luv. She is actually one of my favorite bloggers. She is not only beautiful but very intelligent as well. She is a very smart business woman too.
Her bio says:”I began painting at the age of 7 and continued my study of art and art history at Tufts University, Cornell University (summer program) and Parsons School of Design (continuing education). Additionally, I studied African culture at Tufts University, the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London, and Howard University School of Law.

My love of travel began at the age of 13 when I journeyed to Russia on the People to People Program. I then lived in Belgium for a year on a Rotary scholarship as a teenager, and in England for several years while attending the University of London and then working for the Africa Centre in Covent Garden. I have visited over 15 countries.
I am married to Omar R. Hawkins. We co-own and operate Urban Oasis Real Properties.
I write about spirituality and healing, art and design, culture and travel, and homemaking.”
Quite the resume right? Very impressive but don’t worry,she’s very down to earth. She’s a very humble woman who always has words of encouragement. Be sure to follow her blog and support this woman. She is a beautiful person inside and out.
http://ajualuv.me/2014/